In his recent TV program “Kharri Baat” on Dunya News, anchor/journalist Mubasher Lucman shows a clip burning his telephone set. The reason being frustration and disappointment with the customer service of PTCL. At the end he also commits to do an investigative program on how PTCL is involved in severe customer rights violation.

Check out the footage from the show before we go to second part of our post:

Now, as our friends at Telecomistan first uncovers, Mubasher Lucman believes that UAE based ownership of PTCL is passing on sensitive information to CIA. Lucman makes this claim on his twitter:

When one talks about the owners of PTCL, it indirectly points at Etisalat Group which owns the management stake at PTCL.

It is worth mentioning here that Lucman’s twitter account is not yet verified, have tweeted only 21 times and in his recent tweets he also says to be active on twitter henceforth.

To maintain his credibility, he should soon come with his program on this subject.

The miraculous uprising which swept the whole region should be seen in the context of political, economic, demographic and technological backdrop of the region, not in continuation with any past movement.

Immanuel Wallerstein, the known social scientist, views the Arab spring as a continuation of the unfinished movement of 1968 which, after becoming a worldwide movement, did not achieve its goals. The current surge in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), to him, is the reincarnation of the same movement, trying to recapture the unfinished business of the sixties.

The MENA movement, however, entails a different scenario in terms of its strategies, objectives and global outreach. Originating from the most unexpected region of the world, it has now become a worldwide movement and in this sense it is the first global movement of its kind supported by the world audience who is watching it through electronic and social media.

These revolts should be seen as a logical outcome of political, economic, demographic, global and technological contexts of the 21^st century.

Political Factors

The Muslim world has been in the clutches of dictators for the last 60 years in the form of complete or partial autocratic systems in different countries. These dictators have been surviving using internal oppression on one hand, and support from external powers, on the other.

In the countries where a complete dictatorial system exists, the legitimate political structure is absent and human rights are denied. Monarchy or a pseudo democratic structure has been in place by ruling elites and industrialists. Syria, Saudi Arabia, Libya under the Kaddafi regime, and Iraq before the U.S. invasion, are some examples of complete autocratic systems. Autocracies gained power in these countries because of these factors:

1. Power is consolidated through controlling natural resources where petro dollars remain a major source of power for these regimes. Ruling elites control profits of natural resources which are conveniently distributed among selected groups.
2. The total grip on economic, social and political structures is based on the absence of political process, denying basic human rights to people, and imposing severe restrictions on freedom of expression.
3. Monarchy is justified through religious legitimacy in some countries. In Saudi Arabia, for example, a system of political and economic control has been legitimized by the religious clergy who support the rulers and their system.

In the countries, on the other hand, where a system of partial dictatorship prevails, some rights have been given to the masses denying their participation in a genuine political process. Media are free to some extent, business activities are allowed, and education is provided but the electoral drama is played to elect the same dictator again and again. Here, people are denied of their democratic rights by efficiently keeping them away from the political process.

Any resistance to change the system is dealt with a brutal force using police and armed forces. In this system of half-democracy and half-dictatorship, however, the real power lies with dictators, who rule the masses in collaboration with the armed forces, industrialists and the oligarch while masses are forcefully kept away from the genuine political process. Egypt under Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia under Zainulabedein Bin Ali had the same, half-and-half democracies.

These two administrative structures in the region have also survived for over half-a-century because of external powers that have several benefits in keeping these dictators. They use them in regional administrative arrangements to keep their control and ensure the oil supply which is so vital for their economic survival.

The so-called doctrine of “gradualism” was introduced to legitimize a prolonged support to dictators in the region. The absurd doctrine promotes the idea that democracy can be gradually introduced in the region with an assumption that people are not ready for a complete democracy in these countries yet. The youth movements, however, have proved the doctrine wrong.

Demographic and Economic Factors

The same Muslim nations that have been suffering at the hand of their dictators are facing wide range of unemployment, economic disparities and exploitation of business and ruling classes. These societies, however, offer some demographic dynamics that ultimately played against the current political setup and demanded a profound and meaningful change.

Youth is a large proportion of the region’s population which is growing faster than any other age group. A Brookings Institute Report says the proportion of youth in the Middle East is between 27% and 34%. The population of 15-29 age groups in Egypt is currently 29% while in Libya, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia it is 28%. The same population group in UAE, West Bank and Gaza is 27% while it is 30% in Jordan and Yemen. In Algeria and Syria it is 31%, and in Qatar 34%.

The youth unemployment rate in the region is alarming. According to ILO, unemployment figures for youth are twice the rate of the general population. It also indicates an obvious gender gap where unemployment rate for young men is 22.7 percent as compared to the 31.7 percent for young women. While more than half of the female population in the region is illiterate, the Arab world has the lowest participation of women in the labor force in the world, 25 percent.

In an article published in Viewpoint in 2010, I predicted a possible youth surge in the region in these words “Equipped with unemployment, gender inequity, lack of political empowerment and illiteracy this young-and-restless segment of the population could easily become a source of political chaos and civil unrest” (Middle East on a Shopping Spree for Higher Education, Viewpoint, July 23, 2010).

When the Tunisian youth came out to streets in early 2011, they were demonstrating the same dissatisfaction against the prevailing conditions in their society with a hope to change their system. The youth uprising intends to achieve these objectives besides other goals:

1. Establishing a legitimate political system where people can participate in a genuine democratic process.
2. Introducing a new economic system on the basis of equality.
3. Establishing a pragmatic foreign policy to restore national sovereignty.
4. Restoration of basic human right of people.
5. Equal opportunities of education for all.
6. Equal participation of women in social, economic and educational fields.

Overall, the youth struggle that started in early 2011 is different from previous movements in the region. First the movement has a global perspective. Global news media exposed brutalities of government forces on unarmed protestors and supported their struggle in these countries.

Unlike other political movements of the past, the current uprising does not have an apparent leadership. The ocean of protesting men, women and youth, does not have a single charismatic leader but several young leaders organizing protest rallies.

Not exaggerating the use of social media, whose role in the movement has been over emphasized, the young leaders who are more educated and technologically savvy, widely used social media to unite the core group of leaders. Undoubtedly, social media, the internet, TV and satellite technologies gave this movement a global face. In this sense, although the technology provided the movement a moral justification supported by the worldwide audience, the real credits goes to the youth who managed and used it effectively.

The miraculous uprising which swept the whole region should be seen in the context of political, economic, demographic and technological backdrop of the region, not in continuation with any past movement.

© 2012, Qaisar Abbas. This article may not be reproduced in any form without providing an active attribution link/ reference to The Pakistan Forum. All attribution links within the article must also be retained.

In the modern age of social media, physical presence of a business is becoming irrelevant. For example a pizza oven at home can be turned into a potential business. I have taken this example from 14^th Street Pizza, based in Karachi. Based on a simple business model, marketing is done only via Facebook. They have an active Facebook page with over 130,000 fans. This marketing tool brings them massive sales every day.

English Boot House (EBH) is another example. The shoe store had been selling traditionally for decades through its physical outlets. Now not only they have an online store, English Boot House also uses a Facebook page for promoting their brand. They have over 56,000 fans.

Another exciting example is HSY Studio (Hassan Shahryar Yasir). The company was established in 2000, now is known as one of the top label in Pakistan. In addition to several physical outlets in Pakistan, UK, USA, UAE and Saudi Arabia, HSY has a significant online presence. The marketing is supported by an active website and an engaging Facebook page with close to 360,000 fans.

One Potato 2 Potato (OPTP) has been established for over 12 years. It’s a simple fast food outlet with a number of branches in Karachi, now also offering franchises. They created a niche by offering amazing French Fries together with a variety of burgers. OPTP has a website and is now also using Facebook as a marketing platform with over 130,000 fans.

H Karim Buksh Stores, established since 1952 now famous as HKB are retail markets across Lahore. They sell a wide variety of stuff such as clothing, cosmetics, toys etc under one roof. It is an old company with currently focusing only on Lahore, has a dynamic website and also engages customers through social media. Its fan page has close to 91,000 fans.

Index Furniture is also a good example to quote. The company is established since 2006 selling furniture. They claim to have one of the largest physical outlets in the country selling home furniture, office furniture and other furniture related accessories. In addition to a good website, the company is also attracting customers through its fan page which is slowing growing with over 36,000 fans.

Social media in general and Facebook in particular offer enormous marketing potential. Businesses in Pakistan are slowing tapping these excellent opportunities, however for optimal effectiveness; it is advisable to engage a social media marketing company to handle this new medium.

Remittance growth slows down: While 5MFY12 remittances at USD5.2bn show a stellar growth of 18%, Nov-11 remittance was down 0.2% YoY for Pakistan. Two of the first five months of current fiscal year now show a YoY decline in remittances. We expect FY12 remittance to grow by 6% to USD11.9bn, against an average annual growth of 20% during FY09-11.

Key concern remains continuation of inflow growth from Saudi Arabia and UAE: Saudi Arabia and UAE, combined, comprised 47% of remittance inflows in FY11 and have contributed 60% to remittance growth during the past three years. Inflows from UAE have started slowing down, with 5MFY12 remittance growth of 12% against an average of 24% during FY10-11. While remittance inflows from Saudi Arabia during 5MFY12 are up 46% YoY, ongoing localization drive due to rising unemployment levels, is likely to hinder remittance growth going forward.

Slowdown in remittance growth poses another risk to external account: Slow down in remittances is another risk faced by external account, as strong remittance inflows were the key contributor to improvement in the external account during FY09-11. With FY12 remittance expected to grow by 6% to USD11.9bn, we now expect FY12 BoP to post a deficit of USD2.0bn and expect reserves to fall to USD15bn by Jun-12.

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As the Arab Spring is turning to its second (and harder) phase of conducting elections and forming legitimate transitional government, the need for an economic strategy is becoming painfully apparent.  The people, who marched on the streets demanding political freedom, were also demonstrating for economic freedom and the general improvement of their future economic prospects.  Rising food prices, inflation, unemployment, all played a significant role in motivating people to demand democratic and accountable governments.

Much has been made about the comparisons of the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the Arab Spring.  Although similar in origin and motivation, most analysts are quick to point out the glaring difference: Eastern Europeans had a vision of what they wanted – EU and NATO membership.  Eastern European countries in constitutional transition during the 1990’s, had something to look towards – something to emulate.  The people of the Arab Spring don’t have that.

Now more than ever, the Arab people need a vision of what life after dictators could look.  Because of the instability, the Arab people need reassurance and certainty for the political and economic future that awaits them.  In essence, they are in need of targets and in need of benchmarks; for something to aspire, both politically and economically.

They need to organize and form a regional integration group, modeled after the EU.  They need a new regional integration strategy that includes as many elements of the Eastern European accession treaties as possible, in a way that is of course particular to the needs and idiosyncrasies of the region.

This will not be easy, considering that intra-regional trade is currently very low: between 4% and 7%.  On the other hand, exports to the EU make-up 40% of total exports.  However, this economic trade relationship with the EU has created a foundation on which convergence could be achieved.

A League of Nations in Transition –

At a time when all the people of the Arab world are going through this political and sociological transformation it might feel inappropriate to embark on any regional integration effort.  However, now is the time to think big and find inspiration from each-other.  The people are following developments around the region and are connected (in solidarity) in a way that should make regional integration feasible.

This ‘League of Nations in Transition’ could start with the countries that have overthrown their dictators: Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya.  After that comes Jordan and Morocco, both of which have embarked on some (meaningful or not remains to be seen) important democratic reforms, and continue with Lebanon, the Palestinian Territory, Yemen, Syria, and eventually Algeria (if/when they continue with their political reforms).  [Eventually, including a democratic Israel willing to conclude negotiations on the Palestinian issue, will be the ultimate sign of braking with the past.]

Members should adopt a set of principles – similar to democratic values (respect for the party system and elections – freedom of the press to report on candidates and elections – independent judiciary – rule of law).  Democratic standards and criteria should be used for membership, and members-nations should use each-other for peer-review and monitoring, to ensure the successful transition to democracy.

Although the countries of the region face high budget deficits and are in need of immediate financial assistance, the long-term challenge remains the absence of a vibrant private sector that can create jobs domestically and export/compete internationally.  For oil-importing countries like the majority of the Arab Spring nations in constitutional transition, who cannot rely on oil production to attract foreign investments and create jobs, trade agreements with the west (and each-other) could increase foreign direct investment and encourage domestic reforms that improve the domestic business climate.

The key to economic growth and long term prosperity for the whole region is Regional Integration like the EU.  Start with a common energy policy, then common custom/tariff regulations/levels, then common investment/banking regulations.  Eventually, what would be very important for the region is labor mobility, especially considering the labor needs of the oil-exporting nations of the Gulf and the labor surplus of the non oil producing nations of North Africa.

Of course, integration of regional trade will require: 1) customs facilitation, 2) transportation/infrastructure improvements, 3) transparency of trade regulations, 4) harmonization of regulatory requirements, and eventually 5) political integration.

What if the foundation for all that was already there because of 30 years of legal and regulatory harmonization with the EU?

Backdoor Integration through Trade with the EU –

Regional integration through trade is not something new for North Africa and the Middle East.  The countries of North Africa in particular have in the past joined trade agreements with the EU and among themselves, with devastatingly unsatisfactory results.  Of course, there are other regional integration efforts currently in place (like the Arab Maghreb), but they are seriously tainted by their origin and affiliation to past dictators and autocrats.

However, democratization, or at least the possibility of removing dictatorial control of the people and the markets, changes the existing paradigm and hopefully the counter-productive conditions on the ground.  The lesson from Eastern Europe is that well-structured trade agreements can help create the conditions which encourage countries in transition to undertake appropriate reforms.

Starting in the 1960s, the European Community began concluding first-generation Cooperation Agreements (CAs) with Mediterranean countries.  By the beginning of the 1990s, the EU had signed a series of CAs with most Arab states in the eastern and southern Mediterranean, which mainly covered aid and trade liberalization.  Though commerce in general rose between Europe and the region, the region’s balance of trade with the EU worsened under the CAs.

Because these CAs were clearly not enough, negotiations started on Association Agreements (AAs) between the EU and the eastern and southern Mediterranean countries to replace the existing CAs.  Provisions of these AAs have many economic aspects in common, including establishing WTO-compatible free trade over a transitional period of up to twelve years; provisions related to intellectual property rights, services, public procurement, competition rules, state aid, and monopolies; and economic cooperation in numerous sectors.  With time, more areas of cooperation have been included, thus further bringing the regulatory and legal regimes on the ground in sink.

In essence, the EU has established a network of AAs with most countries of the region, with the only exception of Syria, though currently the coverage of these Agreements is essentially limited to trade in goods.  To that end, the EU has developed a system of pan-European rules of origin. This allows diagonal cumulation among regional members in order to export to Europe as long as they adhere, among themselves, to the same rules of origin introduced in Europe.

These ‘mandates’ as they are called (to be completed by the end of 2011 and then submitted for ratification by EU member states) are with Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan (and Libya) for ‘second generation’ FTA’s (that go beyond goods and also cover services, investment, competition, government procurement, etc.).  In particular, negotiations are currently in progress on the liberalization of trade in services and establishment, on further liberalization for agricultural, processed agricultural and fisheries products, a Dispute Settlement Mechanism, and on an Agreements on Conformity Assessment and Acceptance of Industrial Products (ACAA).

The AAs also cover political dialogue, respect for human rights and democracy, cooperation related to social affairs and migration (including the readmission of illegal immigrants), and cultural cooperation. After they are signed, AAs must undergo a lengthy ratification process by EU member national parliaments.

Therefore, these EU AAs with North African countries have the potential of harmonizing regulations across the region.  By participating in FTA’s with the EU, regional countries could end up (and are certainly in the process of) with the same rules and regulations for a number of critical sectors responsible for economic growth, foreign direct investment, and trade.  Country specific accession to FTA’s with the EU and compliance with EU regulations for market access and trade, could lead to a ‘backdoor’ regional integration.

The Agadir Agreement –

The Agadir Agreement is a free trade agreement between four Arab countries: Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia (covering 115 million people) – all countries that have been going through some serious constitutional transition due to the Arab Spring.  It was launched in May 2001, signed in February 2004 and came into force in March 2007.  The Agadir Agreement is open to further membership by all Arab countries that are member of the Arab League and the Greater Arab Free Trade Area, and linked to the EU through an Association Agreement or an FTA.

Its purpose is to facilitate integration between Arab states and the EU under the broader EU-Mediterranean process, by enhancing investments in the Agadir partner countries and eliminating barriers to trade; the overall objective being to boost economic activity, to support employment, and to improve living standards.  The rationale behind Agadir is that integration would be easier to achieve with a core of countries, and that others could join later when they were ready.

Trade among the Agadir signatories is limited, both in absolute size and compared with exports to other destinations.  The exports of the four countries to each other were $1.06 billion in 2006, or 2.1% of the region’s exports.  In contrast, more than 51% of all exports from the four Agadir signatory countries went to the EU.  However, since the agreement’s inception, intra-Agadir trade exchange has registered a 45% increase.  In Jordan, exchange with Agadir signatories jumped by 70% between 2007 and 2009.  During the same period, Egypt saw a 160% increase in trade with member states, while Morocco witnessed a 30% rise.

Many technical issues are to be tackled by the four signatory countries with the EU’s financial and technical support.  The European Commission has contributed 8 million euro since the beginning of the process, investing in a Technical Unit that works on practical aspects: legislative approximation, custom regulations, rules of origin, etc.  Three sectors were identified to kick start inter-Arab trade exchange: textile, leather and automotive technology.  One important feature of the Agadir Agreement is that it uses the EU’s rules of origin.  The EU allows its Mediterranean FTA partners to cumulate value-added. This means that it turns a blind eye to where value was added, for the purpose of preferential tariffs, as long as it was in an FTA partner country.

In Conclusion –

Regional integration for the region would be hard under normal circumstances, let alone under the current Arab Spring.  Any meaningful effort for regional integration will require external help and assistance in building and facilitating infrastructure (roads – railways – air and seaports) at a regional level.

However, the Agadir Agreement offers the perfect vehicle on which to build and grow a ‘League of Nations in Transition.’  The ongoing harmonization of rules and regulations with the EU is leading to substantial conversion of rules and regulations among the four countries.  Adding Libya and building on the existing progress could significantly improve regional trade and real economic growth for the people of the Arab Spring.

Other Sources:

The Star (Amman, Jordan) – ‘Made in Agadir Zone’: An ambitious vision of the future’.

European Commission – Overview of FTA and other Trade Negotiations.

Carnegie Papers – EU and the U.S. Free Trade Agreements in the Middle East and North Africa.

The Washington Quarterly – American and European Response to the Arab Spring: What’s the big Idea?

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan has changed its ambassadors in 14 important countries and three more ambassadors have been asked to return to headquarters after relinquishing their assignment so that they are also subsequently replaced with new envoys.

It is the biggest shuffle in the ambassadors/high commissioners in the recent history of the Foreign Office. Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani has approved the appointment of the new envoys and a formal announcement pertaining to the new postings and transfers would be made towards the end of the week. Pakistan will have new ambassadors in Russia, Holland, Brazil, Germany, Egypt, Algeria, Cuba, Nepal, Kenya, Yemen, Tunisia, Chile and Serbia. In the meanwhile, Prime Minister Gilani has sent for country’s envoys posted in about 15 significant capitals to discuss the new dimensions of the foreign policy in the wake of a row between Islamabad and Washington after acts of aggression by the United States against Paksistan.

Highly placed diplomatic sources told The News that Islamabad and some noteworthy capitals will witness hectic diplomatic activities in a couple of weeks against the backdrop of Pakistan’s decision to bring about a major shift in its ties with some important capitals. Pakistan’s ambassadors/high commissioners in China, Russia, France, United Kingdom, US, India, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Afghanistan, United Nations, Germany, Belgium, Japan, Indonesia and Iran are expected to attend the ambassadors conference being organized in a week. Some retired diplomats including former foreign secretaries and ambassadors/high commissioners are also being consulted in the process. The government is determined to ask the United States to evolve ‘fresh terms of engagements’ for future ties and the consultations are part of Pakistan’s preparations of the same before it enters into serious dialogue in the light of the findings of the parliament in this regard.

Referring to the reshuffle in the appointments of the ambassadors, the sources said that Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir will replace Pakistan’s high commissioner in India Shahid Malik who is completing his extended tenure in New Delhi in the second quarter of next year. The change could be brought in place before the expiry of the contractual period of the high commissioner. The prime minister has decided that no high commissioner/ambassador who is already serving for a contractual period would be given further extension. Pakistan will designate new ambassador in Moscow next month as incumbent Khalid Khattak is attaining the superannuation age in March/April same year. Additional Foreign Secretary for Europe and spokesman of the Foreign Office Abdul Basit Khan has been appointed ambassador in Germany to replace Shahid Kamal who is retiring next month. Manzoor ul Haq Director General Middle East desk (DGME) has been made ambassador for Egypt where Ms Seema Naqvi is returning after completion of her tenure. Arshad Saood Khosa has been appointed ambassador for Brazil vice Alamgir Khan Babar who has already returned to headquarters and taken over the slot of Additional Secretary for Americas, Afghanistan and Central Asia. Irfan Yusuf Shami Director General Disarmament (DG-Disarmnt-P) has been posted ambassador in Yemen in place of Khawja Alqama who has already returned to the country after completion of his contractual period. He is a renowned intellectual and educationist and he has been offered some important responsibility back in the country. Khalid Durrani Director General Policy Planning (DGPP) has been made ambassador for Algeria vice Muhammad Aslam who is reaching the age of retirement next month. Additional Secretary for Policy Planning (ASPP) Mushtaq Ali Shah has become ambassador for Tunisia to replace an artist Athar Mahmood who has also reached retirement age. Nasarullah Khan Director General Europe desk has been appointed ambassador for Nepal on a slot rendered vacant after relinquishing by Syed Ibrar Hussian who has become director general Afghanistan back in Islamabad. Ghulam Dastgir will become high commissioner in Kenya as Masroor Ahmad Junejo has returned to headquarters and he has been appointed Additional Foreign Secretary for Middle East (ASME) here. Pakistan’s ambassador in Netherland Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhary, ambassador in Chile Burhanul Islam and envoy in Serbia Nawaz Chaudhary will be relinquishing their respective assignment next month to come back to Islamabad. Nawaz Chaudhry will be retiring next month and new ambassadors for the three capitals would be announced accordingly. They have been communicated by the headquarters to leave their assigned capitals by mid January, the sources said.

Source: The News

Originally written for: http://www.dawn.com/2011/12/06/dubai-for-higher-education.html

A friend in Karachi recently asked me if she should consider a university in Dubai for her son’s higher education, because Dubai was much closer to Pakistan than UK or USA and that many foreign universities had campuses there. I gave her an answer more appropriate on Facebook under the relationships column: “It’s complicated,” I said.

The city of Dubai, vibrant and wonderful as it is, is fast gaining a reputation as a study hub in the Middle East. With foreign universities such as Michigan, Rochester, Wollongong, Murdoch, Middlesex and others opening campuses in this dazzling desert in especially designated areas like Academic City and Knowledge Village , one wonders if the education provided by these universities is up to mark, and if one can actually get an education of Western standards in the Middle East.

To begin with, let us take a look at global university rankings. Now rankings can sometimes be misleading and confusing, because to measure all universities in every region by the same yardstick can have erroneous results. However, global ranking has now become a widely trusted tool for students and employers alike and annual rankings by Times Higher Education (THE), Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU), QS Rankings, Webometrics.info amongst other ranking systems are widely used and although data may be somewhat biased, we do get a rough idea of where a university stands.

To give you some idea of how much the higher education system in Dubai needs to develop before it can get any kind of global recognition, let me tell you that searches on the Times Higher Education (THE) website and the ARWU website showed no universities in the United Arab Emirates that were ranked well, or in fact ranked at all. On the QS University ranking, the best university in the UAE is the United Arab Emirates University in Al Ain and it stands at a world ranking of 338. However, another website 4icu rates it number 766 in the world and Webometrics slips it many places below to 1389!

Furthermore the cost of studying in Dubai is almost equal to what one might pay in the West, and student loans and financial aid are far more difficult to get here than, say, in the United States. And when it comes to finding jobs, a degree acquired in the UAE has its drawbacks. Bhairvi Prakash, a recent graduate from Middlesex Dubai who now works in the local media feels that a student will get more exposure abroad and while an undergrad course in Dubai is a good idea, she feels that it is better to opt for a Masters abroad. As far as jobs are concerned, Prakash says: “It’s fine if you’re looking for jobs within United Arab Emirates but it may not be the case if you were looking to work in the West, as their educational base is much more established compared to something still relatively recent like the UAE.”

Charvi Bhatt, who is a student at the American University in Dubai (AUD), believes that education standards come into account when you want to transfer from the Middle East to a Western university and that sometimes, credits completed here are not accepted abroad. However, she also believes that education in Dubai has its perks. “Campus life is good, truly multi-cultural,” she says. “Besides, if you’re a Dubai resident you could save on costs like accommodation, phone bills, and other day to day expenses.”

Many Western universities have opened campuses in Dubai and are heavily advertised not only locally but also in countries like Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. Sadly though, the level of education offered by, say, Wollongong Dubai is very different from what one might experience in Australia. Consider the fact that Webometrics rates Wollongong Australia at 542, but Wollongong Dubai makes it to number 7494 in the world rankings.

Dr. Faiz Ishaq, Head of Campus at Szabist Dubai (a branch of Szabist Pakistan) feels that is because foreign universities in Dubai are not research based and rely on the research that has already been done. Universities abroad allocate more resources to research, hence furthering the frontiers of knowledge itself. According to Dr. Ishaq, in the UAE, institutions do not have the faculty required to promote research which he feels must be done at a cross-institutional level in order to make some kind of impact.

When one considers the fact that universities in UAE are ranked consistently low, Dr. Ishaq discusses a point which he also brought up in a QS University Rankings conference held earlier this year in Dubai. “QS Rankings are well-respected and we discussed the point that rankings are based on data given by employers. Since many of the world’s biggest financial and commercial companies have headquarters in the West, the feedback is generally about universities in the West. The universities in Asia are often ignored due to lack of data from employers.” The QS personnel agreed to that and offered to take feedback from employers in Asia as well to give fairer rankings.

Indian universities however, fare very well on any ranking system, with prestigious institutions such as Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) and Indian Institute of Management (IIM) occupying good positions. Dr. Ishaq believes that is because higher education in India is very well developed (unlike Pakistan or UAE) and that a solid base is given to students starting at the primary level.

Suffice it to say that in the field of higher education, Dubai, for once must understand that bigger is not necessarily better. Breathtakingly beautiful campuses with price tags to match do not ensure a good education. However, the effort on the part of the authorities to create something of a study hub must be commended as the UAE takes baby steps towards recognition in this sphere.