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A Familiar, Unproductive Anti-Media Refrain

Posted on 21 January 2012 by Tea Server

Israeli and American politicians alike are using the same playbook — attacking the media and often diverting attention from the real problems at hand.

In U.S. politics, GOP presidential candidate Newt Gingrich gave a stunning rebuke to CNN anchor John King during the South Carolina Republican debate last night, drawing applause and a standing ovation from the largely conservative crowd.

Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu might have done the Israeli equivalent, as news reports suggest that he pegged the New York Times and left-leaning Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz  as Israel’s two greatest threats. (While Netanyahu’s alleged comments have been denied, the anti-media rhetoric is most certainly real, as has been demonstrated by a letter from the Prime Minister’s Office declining an invitation to submit an op-ed to the New York Times last year.)

That’s right. Israel, a country surrounded by enemies that want nothing more than to push its citizens into the sea, is scared of “left-wing” journalists. Israel, a nation who’s only regional friends — such as Egypt and Turkey — are quickly turning their backs on it, is terrified of editorial writers. Israelis, a people who have overcome adversity and built a thriving, democratic and Western country in less than a hundred years, is trembling at the thought of a mustached columnist.

The contention that the press and the influence of the media over populations are Israel’s biggest threats is patronizing to Israelis, diminishes the country’s successes, and understates the very real challenge of ensuring bombs don’t rattle Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, the Galil and the Negev at any second.

The New York Times is clearly the “paper of record,” but it has a challenge to overcome its alleged left-wing bias to garner credibility. While Ha’aretz  only captures approximately 6 percent of the Israeli audience, it has a far wider international reach and credibility. The paper is distributed along with the International Herald Tribune, which is, effectively, the international New York Times. Further, Ha’aretz visually looks similar to many credible U.S. papers — like the Washington Post and New York Times – and unlike it’s main competitors Yediot Achronot and Ma’ariv, which both have extensive pictures, graphics and more New York Daily News-type feels.

Ha’aretz and the New York Times clearly have in-roads with the U.S. and international communities and influence public policy, which can impact aid to Israel, pressure on the Arab world, and the prospects of interventions preventing the development of an Iranian nuclear warhead. Therefore, the true threat of these publications are their impact on public officials, which could lead to major changes in Israel-related policies.

However, the allegiance between Israel and its closest friend, the United States, is still rock-solid, where U.S. policymakers have overwhelmingly expressed their support for a safe and secure Israel. Both the New York Times and Ha’aretz have been in business for quite some time and been unable to derail that relationship.

Israelis for decades have been forging that strong bond, which is based on shared values and mutual interests. To suggest that all that hard work can be unraveled by editorial bias discounts the long-standing relationship and mutual concerns, effectively characterizing the two countries’ bond as superficial — which it most certainly is not.

Further, Israelis transformed what was once largely swamp and desert into a thriving economic and military powerhouse that has maintained freedoms and democracy. That achievement, forged from the sweat of the first kibbutz worker to the blood of today’s most recent army draftee, will not be decimated by a few choice journalistic words or the influence of a snarky columnist. Israelis’ perseverance will continue defeating all odds, even if so-called liberal publications sway opinion.

Lastly, the perception of fear from these publications largely undercuts arguments that Iran, terrorists, and Muslim extremists are very tangible threats that could cause the deaths of hundred or thousands of Israelis. From extremists in Egypt transforming a former Israeli ally into a threat to the prospects of a nuclear Middle East to rockets from terrorists on Israel’s borders, the country faces substantial security challenges. Solutions to those problems, whether military or economic, would benefit from policymakers’ accurate understanding of these threats, which are far more dangerous than a bad pun or a critical headline.

The declaration of the “liberal” media being more threatening merely diminishes the correct assertions that these very real dangers could jeopardize Israel’s security at any minute.

Elected officials’ obsession with attacking the so-called liberal media merely skirts the real issues of today, and threatens to downplay the most serious threats facing their country.  Netanyahu has thus far been a champion building international understanding of the true threat Iran and Muslim extremists face to Israel and the world at-large.  He should maintain that path and not let political kowtowing unravel his year’s of effective advocacy on behalf of Israel.

 

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2012: In Search of Russian Carrots and Sticks

Posted on 19 January 2012 by Tea Server

Source: Google Images

Source: Google Images

The December protests in Russia against parliamentary election results have marked a momentous change to the current Russian political situation. The protests have revealed the looming necessity for authorities to respond in a timely manner, and to acknowledge the new scenario. Widespread public discontent with existing policies is shaping a new, uncomfortable reality for the Russian political leadership – a reality that it has reluctantly been forced into deal with.

So far, the first steps have been small but important. First, not only were the December rallies sanctioned, they also received unusual exposure by state media. Soon after, President Medvedev announced sweeping political reforms including direct election of local governors, as opposed to an appointment by the Kremlin, as well as proposing a simplified registration for political parties and independent presidential candidates. These are significant changes that no one was seriously talking about just few months ago, as they seemed impossible in the country’s political climate.

New developments affected the Kremlin’s inside political circle, including the resignation of the chairman of United Russia, Boris Gryzlov, and the departure of Vladimir Surkov, former chief of staff and the ‘grey cardinal’ of Russia’s domestic policies. Political reshuffling aimed to address public discontent with the way the past election was handled, yet Putin made it clear that a rerun is out of the question. Instead, he attempted to restore the communication and dialogue with voters via a televised call-in show just a few days after the first December rally, and a presidential campaign website that is presumably open to public suggestions and criticism.

Although these changes are valid and testify to Putin’s understanding that old–fashioned tactics no longer work, his latest attempts to address public discontent have not been successful either: they have not gained public approval, let alone confidence. Are the reforms not good enough? Or are they too late? Both. Solutions offered by the political leadership are nowhere near the necessary structural changes, but are rather just short-term concessions that are long-overdue. They are therefore unable to win the public’s trust.

While Putin acknowledges that ‘everyone develops and everyone should meet the demands of today and tomorrow,’ it is time for his own understanding of people’s demands to expand and go beyond ‘stable utility prices and easier utility expenses formulas’ – those were demands and calls from last year’s protests. People have moved on to new, important subjects such as fair elections and the protection of their rights. As long as authorities remain separated from this new reality, their attempts in gaining confidence and approval from the voters will have little effect.

For comparison’s sake, Mikhail Prokhorov – a new presidential candidate – focuses his presidential campaign on up-to date and pressing issues. For instance, he promises early parliamentary elections, decreasing the number of state officials, and reinforcing oversight of their efficiency, and indirectly touches upon the unsubstantiated imprisonments of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev – a matter that has long been taboo in high level political discussion.

Ironically, according to recent polls, Russia’s Prime Minister Putin still remains the most popular politician in Russia. Should the Russian populace find a change necessary, he might reconsider his ‘concession’ tactics and move to either more demanding issues or a heavy-handed approach, using security forces to quell demonstrations, or possibly, embellishing on a growing outside threat from the West.

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