Tag Archive | "Portugal"

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

PowerGen Pak Conference 2012

Posted on 13 February 2012 by Tea Server

The 5th International Power Generation Conference & Exhibition 2012 was held at Marriott, Karachi on the 2nd of February with the agenda ‘Future Energy Mix in Overcoming the Power Crisis’.

The conference was attended by a plethora of scientists  and dignitaries from all walks of life.

 

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

 

It was a star-studded event with speeches and presentations from Manzoor Soomro- Chairman Pakistan Science Foundation (PSF), Mian Abrar Hussain, President Karachi Chamber of Commerce, Dr. Tilo Klinner – Consul General Germany, Nasim Khan VC Hamdard University, Saigan Sharif – Additional Secretary of Ministry of Science & Technology, Qazi Kamal – Chairman Fuel, Gas, Power Sub-SITE Association, Tahir Saleem – Chairman IEEE, Zubair Motiwala – Chairman Board of Investment Govt. of Pakistan, Naeem Qureshi – Managing Editor Energy Update, Shazia Marri – Minister for Electric Power Sindh, Junaid Qureshi – CEO SSJD, Faisal Qureshi – CEO 24/7 Online TV, Abdullah Muhammad Yousuf – Chairman IPP’s Advisory Council, Rukhsana Zuberi – Chairperson women in energy, Shaaf Mehboob – CEO Adoptive Solar.

The conference was organized by Energy Update Magazine 

Here’s  a brief lowdown of what went on in the conference.

 

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Manzoor Soomro- Chairman Pakistan Science Foundation (PSF):

  • Promote and popularize science.
  • Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) signed with all chambers of commerce in Pakistan.
  • Reach is not limited to MOUs but to universities and beyond.
  • Provide funding to research institutes.
  • Enormous potential in both conserving and generating energy cost-effectively, only it needs to be channeled out properly.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tjVeR4LkS-Y&feature=youtu.be

Mian Abrar Hussain, President Karachi Chamber of Commerce

  • The energy crisis and resulting loadshedding of electricity and gas has resulted in a staggering monetary loss of Rs.288 Billion per annum. 
  • This is a loss of Rs.24 Billion per month, or Rs.857 million per day. 
  • This much money could have been used to finance 44 Large scale manufacturing units or serve 10 million unemployed people. 
  • $12 Billion is the annual import bill for furnace oil. 
  •  30% of energy wasted in distribution. 
  • Energy security plan is needed on the same lines as Nuclear Security Plan to safeguard the future of Pakistan.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MqekJYHaYPE&feature=youtu.be

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Naeem Qureshi – Managing Editor Energy Update

  • Welcomed the participants to the fifth PowerGen Pak Conference.
  • Thanked the speakers and the guest for gracing the occasion with their presence, and the sponsors for lending support to this worthy cause.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cW-k4nvLqBY&feature=youtu.be

Dr. Tilo Klinner – Consul General Germany

  • Renewable energy is the future of the world due to depleting natural sources of fuel.
  • Wind energy percentage contribution to electricity generation in the world:
    • 21% Denmark
    • 15% Portugal
    • 14% Spain
    • 7.5% Germany
    • There’s a 40 MW plant in Gujarat, India run solely on solar power.
    • 17,000 MW contribution by solar power to national grid in Germany.
    • There are large lignite coal fields in Eastern Germany which provide the bulk of the power. However, they’ve a large carbon footprint.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w4g2VPhRjAI&feature=youtu.be

Nasim Khan VC Hamdard University

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

  • In 1999, a German company estimated the wind corridor in Pakistan to be worth 50,000 MW.
  • Research by an American University put the estimate at 110,000 MW.
  • Germany has been able to capture and make use of 17,000 MW of solar energy in spite of the fact that Germany doesn’t get as much sun as Pakistan.
  • Due to circular debt, electric companies are unable to afford wind power companies.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b6qVKkA-dRc&feature=youtu.be

Saigan Sharif – Additional Secretary of Ministry of Science & Technology:

  • Karachi to Gwadar corridor has the potential of 7,000-10,000 MW generation through wind energy.
  • Nexus needed between government, research institutes and industry for a workable plan.
  • Much of the existing problems are due to lack of understanding between the three.
  • Government has its own limits and cannot launch projects based on research by institutes. However it can support them in conjunction with the industry.
  • Scientists have the tendency to quarrel amongst themselves for who gets the patent to an invention or innovation.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QR-kpByM8EE&feature=youtu.be

Qazi Kamal – Chairman Fuel, Gas, Power Sub-SITE Association

  • There are 104 Nuclear power plants in US and 70 in France which contribute roughly 20% of total electricity.
  • 35% of power in Western Europe is achieved through nuclear means.
  • China has plans to set up 40 nuclear power plants.
  • India plans to generate 63,000 MW of nuclear energy by 2032 with the help of General Electric USA.
  • Pakistan only gets 712 MW of nuclear energy.
  • Pakistan has substantial reserves of uranium, 500 times more than gold in various mines all over the country.
  • Pakistan also has 5% uranium enrichment capability.
  • 2,000MW energy through KANUP 2 and 3 will be attained.
  • 8,000MW is the target for nuclear energy.
  • The establishment of Pakistan Nuclear Power Fuel Complex will go a long way in attaining self-sufficiency in nuclear energy.

Tahir Saleem – Chairman IEEE:

  • Problem with energy usage not energy production.
  • KESC has installed capacity of 1260MW but only 600MW of power are being delivered by them.
  • WAPDA had planned 40,000MW of electricity by 2010. Hardly 2,000MW have been added.
  • 10-15% of energy saving is possible without any investment.
  • 22% of energy saving is possible with investment.
  • 70% of electrical consumption is by the industry.
  • Load lightening devices are available which reduce electrical consumption.
  • Government should make it mandatory for the industry to install these devices which will reduce the electrical load on the national grid.
  • Co-generation provides 30% additional energy, a strategy which is being used by hotels.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1ntFBeYYd9E&feature=youtu.be

Zubair Motiwala – Chairman Board of Investment, Govt. of Pakistan

Zubair Motiwala

Zubair Motiwala

  • 22,000 MW is the installed capacity.
  • Rs.300 Bn circular debt in July, now touching Rs.400 Bn.
  • 12 hours of loadshedding in the industrial areas until 2 weeks ago.
  • Pakistan has the fifth largest coal reserves in the world – 173Bn which will last 300 years.
  • Thar has huge reserves of lignite coal as determined by research carried out by RW Germany.
  • Special incentives offered by Pakistan Board of Investment for investing in Pakistan’s coal reserves:
    • 20% Return on Equity
    • 30 years tax holiday
    • No custom duty on import of machinery
    • Sales tax exemption
    • United Energy, 3 Gorges and Engro are some of the companies interested in this investment.
    • In 2015 the first powerplant using the thar coal would be operational.
    • Pak-Chine energy commission has determined that there’s a 80km wide as well as long wind corridor with speeds up to 800 knots, which is more than India.
    • A Turkish company is already operating wind turbines in Sindh which are producing 5MW.
    • 34 more turbines are in the offing which will raise the output to 50MW.
    • Plans are in place to allow duty-free import of batteries to store wind energy.
    • Break-up of contribution to electricity:
      • 1/3rd Hydel
      • 1/3rd  Thermal
      • 1/3rd  Diesel/captive/nuclear

 

  • Contribution of gas to national grid:
    • Sindh 69%
    • Balochistan 13%
    • Punjab 5%
    • Share of gas:
      • 27% Sindh
      • 17% Balochistan
      • 45% Punjab
      • Total production was 3800 mmcf, now 200 mmcf have been added making to 4,000 mmcf.
      • Sindh gets 1150 mmcf and Punjab 1800 mmcf.
      • There are 2700 CNG stations in Punjab while 800 CNG stations in Sindh and Balochistan.
      • Most of these 2700 CNG stations in Punjab are illegal connections given after 2007 and result in shortage of gas as the network has become so much convoluted.  
      • 40,000 of unutilized hydel capacity in Pakistan.
      • 2,000 MW for 300 years possible from Thar coal reserves.
      • 15,000 MW addition expected from Thar coal by 2020.

 TO BE CONTINUED IN THE NEXT PART……..

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

Power-Gen Pak Conference 2012

No related posts.

Syndicated from: Brandasy-Branded World

Comments (0)

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Sarkozy in Perspective

Posted on 08 February 2012 by Tea Server

S&P finally downgraded France’s credit rating several weeks ago along with some other EU Member States. Such decision by S&P could undeniably cost Sarkozy’s reelection in May 2012. Many see the downgrade of France’s credit rating as Sarkozy’s sole responsibility. But May 2012 is still very far away from a political standpoint. Since his election in 2007 Sarkozy has been a very polarizing political figure in France as proven by the large variety of nicknames given by the media such as President Bling-Bling, Sarko l’Américain, and so on. This blog will put into perspective Sarkozy’s first and maybe last mandate as French President by assessing his contribution to the construction/safeguard of the EU (in defense and security questions), advancing French foreign policy, and the buildup of the transatlantic relations.

Sarkozy, son of a Hungarian immigrant, rose to the highest political sphere quite quickly and unconventionally in French standard. He started his political life in the mid-1970s in the Municipal Council of Neuilly-sur-Seine, one of the richest suburbs of Paris, wherein a large segment of France’s political, economic, industrial and financial elites live. The fact that Mr. Sarkozy’s political life started surrounded by the French elite was considerable for his political career. The creation of an intellectual and support base traditionally takes place in the famous Grandes Ecoles, such as Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA), as it has been the case for previous French presidents and ministers, and certainly is the case of François Hollande, the Socialist Candidate. Sarkozy was able to compensate this lack with its Neuilly connections. The latest scandal connecting Sarkozy with the L’Oreal heiress, Liliane de Bettencourt, is one example of his powerful network. A paper produced by the conservative think tank American Enterprise Institute counts some interesting facts on the rise of Sarkozy and his understanding of politics.

Following his election in May 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy appeared to have changed radically the direction of France’s foreign policy, especially towards the US. Sarkozy’s decision to re-establish ‘cordial’ relations with the US, still under the presidency of Bush, was in direct rupture with his predecessor, Jacques Chirac. The latter opposed his American counterpart, President Bush, in 2003 on the hot topic of the invasion of Iraq. The 2003 transatlantic and European split was real and substantial. The European unity was only reinstituted with the approval of the 2003 European Security Strategy, which symbolizes the agreement between EU Member States of a common agenda and united security vision. As per Donald Rumsfeld, US Secretary of Defense at the time, Europe was then divided between Old and New Europe; France being one of the old members considering its opposition to the Iraq war. The tensions between the US and France remained high until the election of Sarkozy. Some talked at the time of ‘Sarko l’Américain,’ as he expressed at many occasion during and after the presidential race his admiration for the American model. However, Justin Vaïsse of the Brookings, argued that in fact the Americanism of Sarkozy is much more embedded into Hollywood and Elvis Presley rather than the admiration for the American political system.

The transatlantic relations between France and the US can be divided into three periods. First, from 2007 to 2008, the last part of the Bush administration, which I often refer as the ‘good Bush period,’ was favorable for a rapprochement between the two sides of the pond. Second, after the election of Obama, the honeymoon was extremely short. Very early in his presidency, Obama reoriented the attention of the US foreign policy from Europe to Asia. Such strategic move by Obama has affected the relations with his European counterparts. And the third period was since the G8 summit in Pittsburgh, following the collapse of the financial system in 2008, with closer relations on dealing at the international level with the financial crisis and with Iran. However, in general, the rupture with Chirac was over-emphasized, as Sarkozy did not change that much the direction of the French foreign policy. Sarkozy’s decision to fully reintegrate France within the military structures of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was a moderate signal of his Atlanticism considering that France was always an active and core member of the alliance. The debate in France about such move was certainly excessive.

France was also a key actor during the summer 2008 crisis in Georgia. Following the invasion of Georgia by Russia, Sarkozy played an important role in monitoring Russia-West relations and in limiting a major split between the former Cold War enemies. Sarkozy did play a central role, but made some costly decisions and compromises for not only Georgia, but also the field of international law and human right. At that time France held the EU Presidency and was the voice of the EU, undermining Javier Solana’s role. Russian-French relations have historically been good since the late 19th century and remain quite stable. The latest part of this love story was the sale by France of a French Mistral class amphibious assault ship, creating criticism on both sides of the Atlantic.

One of the highest points of his presidency will remain the gamble on the Libyan campaign. Following a disastrous beginning of the year 2011 with total miscalculations and evaluations of the importance and reality of the Arab spring in Tunisia and then Egypt, Sarkozy decided to be proactive in the support of the rebels in Libya fighting Colonel Qaddafi. The miscalculation by the prestigious French diplomatic corps and intelligence services will remain as a stain and most likely become a cas d’école of diplomatic failure for future generations. Sarkozy did play a crucial role in getting the UN Security Council to agree on the UNSC Resolution 1973 allowing the implementation of a no-fly zone over Libya. Sarkozy was then able to bring the Americans on board and get NATO involved in the war in Libya. The use of NATO was critical for the success of the mission as French and British armies, navies and air forces have been considerably affected by budget cuts. For example, as of today Britain does not have an aircraft carrier, which seems quite contradictory to its historical strategic culture and heritage as a maritime power. The Libyan mission was a success and will become a template for future military interventions: short, precise, highly technologized, multilateral, and quite cheap. However, Sarkozy’s decision to use NATO was a major setback for the EU, which was completely bypassed by London and Paris, as well as discredited. The best example of the CSDP weakness is the fact that EUFOR Libya was created, but never deployed. Thus, HR Ashton remained quiet and irrelevant throughout the different steps of the Libyan campaign.

What next for 2012? Sarkozy does have a busy schedule until the first round of the presidential election. The year starts quite well for France and ultimately Sarkozy considering the fact that India decided to buy for $20bn of France fighter jet, Rafale, at the expense of the EADS’ Eurofighter Typhoon. Such contract is a true illustration of Sarkozy’s understanding and mastery of politics. The Financial Times published an outstanding article on the dogfight taking place backstage in order to sale the fighter jet. In addition to his reelection campaign, several topics need to be addressed, or at least discussed: first, Iran. What should France do about it? Is it the time to empower the EEAS led-by Lady Ashton and use the similar approach of 2003 EU3+1 implemented during Solana’s mandate? Or is it the time to discuss military operation within NATO? What is certain is that Sarkozy will not get a UNSC Resolution as China and Russia will definitely oppose it. Second, the mission in Afghanistan. France has been progressively removing its troops from Afghanistan, but has actively contributed to the European Gendarmerie Force (EFG) in charge of training the Afghan National Police and Afghan National Army. With the announcement by the US to remove the troops by 2014, the Europeans will soon be following this trend. Will the EGF remain or should it come back home as well? Third, Syria. The violations of international law by the Syrian government are undeniable and some members of the Arab League monitoring team have even expressed their anger and opposition to the Assad regime. Avoiding and sidelining Syria could haunt Sarkozy in the future, the same way the Rwanda genocide has been haunting French political elites for over 15 years, but for different reasons. Sarkozy understands that the UNSC will not agree on a Resolution, but decision needs to be taken on the matter. Unfortunately until today China and Russia have favored sovereignty over humanity. Could it be done outside the laws with a NATO-led operation as it was done in 1999 in Kosovo? It would be ethically a right mission embodying the R2P concept, but wrong as it would violate international law. Fourth, Turkey. Franco-Turk relations have been at their lowest since the adoption by the French Assembly of the recent law criminalizing the denial of the Armenian genocide. Poor bilateral relations with Turkey will ultimately hurt and affect the overall EU and NATO relations. Turkey could block, as it has done in the past, Berlin Plus type NATO operations. Sarkozy must address the matter with Turkey and find new common ground. Fifth, the economic crisis has been painful for the Euro-Atlantic community. The Eurozone is still not safe and saved, as the financial and economic situations of Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal remain volatile. Sarkozy with his German counterpart, Ms Merkel, have a lot of work in readjusting and agreeing on the rules of the game and reforming the Eurozone. Sixth, the British headache. Since the gamble of Prime Minister Cameron back in November, the relations between Britain and France have not been of the most pleasant. The Franco-Anglo relations are central for the construction of the common EU defense polict as it was the case in the 1998 Saint-Malo Treaty creating the ESDP, and in the 2010 Defense Treaty. Both actors need one another in order to maintain their active foreign policies and keep the construction of the CSDP going. 2012 will be interesting to see how France and Britain readjust their relations either with the reelection of Sarkozy; or with the election of Mr. Hollande.

Even though, I have not been a supporter of Mr. Sarkozy’s domestic and social policies as well as fundamentally disagree with his leadership and governing style, I have to admit that he has been an interesting international leader. His approach to foreign policy is quite in the continuity of French Gaullist heritage. However, the case of the French operation in Ivory Coast, last April, has been completely under-studied and under-covered by global media. Some have argued that the Libyan mission was a simple cover-up for the real mission and French interests, Ivory Coast. I would also criticize his lack of commitment to the construction and strengthening of the EEAS. It is true that Ms. Ashton has not been the best representative as well as has been unable to establish a common EU vision, however she was appointed by the 27 Heads of State and Government. Sarkozy was part of the appointing committee, and privileged at that time the securing of the DG Internal Market to Michel Barnier rather than getting a French HR. Sarkozy’s priorities were set: French’s influence over the common market, even though the Directors are theoretically not supposed to represent their national government; l’Europe de la defense after.

Until then there is one thing that I can’t wait to see: who will be representing France at the NATO summit in May in Chicago?

Comments (0)

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Open Position for Research Assistant : The Multimedia Signal Processing Group at Instituto de Telecomunicações, Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisbon, Portugal

Posted on 24 January 2012 by Tea Server

The Multimedia Signal Processing Group at Instituto de Telecomunicações, Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisbon, Portugal, invites applications for the MUVIS (MUlti-view distributed coding for VIsual Sensor networks) project, financed by national funds through the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia … Continue reading



Syndicated from: Scholarships Available

Comments (0)

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

S&P Downgrades France and 8 Other Eurozone Sovereigns

Posted on 17 January 2012 by Tea Server

French President Nicolas Sarkozy (AFP, Pierre-Philippe Marcou)

Standard and Poor’s rating agency has lowered the credit ratings of 9 eurozone members, including formerly AAA-rated France and Austria. The move is significant, affecting as it does the future of the eurozone’s bail-out fund, the French presidential election, the roll-over of existing European sovereign debt, and more. However, the downgrade is not really a catastrophe for the nations downgraded nor for the European economy’s prospects. Our purpose here is to understand what the downgrade is, what it means and what it may not mean.

First off, what is a sovereign credit rating and what does a downgrade mean? There are numerous entities in finance that offer their well-informed (or otherwise) opinions about a variety of investment instruments. What we are concerned with here are the three main credit rating agencies: S&P, Fitch and my former employer Moody’s. What they do is issue a rating, that is an alphanumeric symbol, that encapsulates the agency’s detailed analysis of a debtor’s ability and willingness to repay a debt. In that sense, their ratings aren’t a whole lot different from the FICO score you have that is supposed to tell lenders about your creditworthiness.

While the methodologies vary a bit from one agency to another, the ratings scales of each are comparable by and large. For example, AAA is the best rating possible (Aaa at Moody’s). Junk status is about 10 notches below that at BB+ (Ba1 Moody’s) , and default is another 10 or so notches down. Because these agencies have been in the business of issuing ratings for decades (Moody’s was founded in 1900), it is possible to tie actual default experiences to the ratings. S&P’s can be found here.

On Friday, France and Austria fell one notch from AAA to AA+, Italy fell a couple of notches from A to BBB+, Spain went down one from AA- to A, Cyprus dropped two notches to BB+, Portugal’s two notch fall leaves it at BB (junk status, and it also has a negative outlook), Malta went down one notch to A- from A, Slovakia fell a notch to A from A+, and Slovenia is one notch lower at A+ from AA-. The other members of the eurozone retain their ratings. That means Germany, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Finland kept their AAA. For the record, the other members states and their S&P ratings are: Belgium (AA), Estonia (AA-), Greece (CC) and Ireland (BBB).

What is extremely important to remember is that the downgrades were only to the ratings issued by S&P. Moody’s and Fitch did nothing. In their eyes, France and Austria (and the USA for that matter) are still AAA. Split ratings, when the agencies don’t agree exactly, are rather common. And in every regulation where ratings agencies are mentioned, two different agencies’ opinions matter, not three. So, there is a real question as to whether Austria and France are still AAA or not. The market, of course, is not focused on the dog that didn’t bark – it’s paying attention to S&P despite it having the minority opinion.

Be that as it may, the S&P downgrades for France and Austria are economically inconvenient but not really all that important for investors. Yes, both will have to pay a bit more in interest to fund their debts. However, a study by JPMorgan Chase looking at the nine sovereign borrowers that lost their AAA ratings between 1998 and the US downgrade in August shows an increase of 2 basis points (or 0.02%) in the following week. Is it a make or break situation if your mortgage is 4.12% or 4.14%? France and Austria will face no funding problems as a result of the downgrade. And indeed, the US saw its borrowing costs actually decline immediately after S&P downgraded it a few months ago.

The reason for this minimal change lies in the default record of AA+ issuers. According to the chart cited above, issuers rated AAA will default 0.00% of the time in the next 12 months. An issuer with a rating of AA+ has the same default rate over 12 months. Over a 5-year period, the default rate for AAA issuers is 0.10%; for an AA+ debtor, it’s 0.15%. In other words, if you lend to France or Austria by buying a 3-year bond, you still have a 99+% chance of getting paid back in full with interest on time.

Where the downgrades do become problematic is in the political sphere. In three months’ time, the French will go to the polls to elect a president. France lost its AAA rating on Nicholas Sarkozy’s watch, and whether justly or not, he will take some blame for it – the leftish newspaper Liberation ran a headline calling him S_RKOZY, having lost an “A” of his own. He currently trails socialist candidate Francois Hollande by 10% in the polls. With 53% of the electorate believing that the loss of the AAA rating is a serious matter, the downgrade only makes his re-election more difficult.

In the end, though, the ratings come back to the issue that undermined them in the first place – the euro. The bail-out fund that has kept Greece, Ireland and Portugal afloat so far, the European Financial Stability Facility, was rated AAA because of its backing from AAA-rated sovereigns. However, 16 January 2012, S&P dropped that rating to AA+ because of the French and Austrian downgrades. S&P said that the EFSF could get its AAA back if it could obtain more guarantees (from whom I wonder?) or if it raised less money that would be better protected by the existing guarantees. A smaller bail-out fund, however, is less likely to succeed at stabilizing the eurozone. At the same time, a fund rated less than AAA will have to pay more for its funds, and that will make the bail-out fund less effective as well.

So what does it all mean? Objectively, the difference between AAA and AA+ is very small, and it should not have much impact. Markets, however, are never objective. They are fueled by greed and fear. S&P’s downgrade of these nations has made the eurozone’s problems harder to solve.

Comments (0)

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Internet Activism in Pakistan: A Brief Analysis

Posted on 30 December 2011 by Tea Server

Preamble:
Everysphere of human life and communication is undergoing alteration, transformationand modernization with the advent of the Information and CommunicationTechnologies (ICTs), commonly defined as a tool used in creation, processing,transferring and sharing of information. The ICTs have proven to beindispensible tools for not just the human development but also fightingagainst the poverty, injustice and transforming the economic, social andpolitical spheres alike. They have changed the course of human developmentproviding unprecedented opportunity by penetrating into activities outside the‘production’; reshaping the markets, leisure time, access of information andservices etc while developing a strong sense of democracy.
ModernICTs include World Wide Web, Internet, E-mail, software applications, cellphone, video conferencing etc. (Bergh & McKenna, 2004). However, thediffusion and spread of the ICT worldwide has been receiving a mixed response,creating a digital divide. Digital divide in simple words would be theinequality of ICT utilization (Evers & Greke, 2004).  The term Digital Divide is a new name givento the information haves and have-nots used for the preceding generation. It isgap assumed to exist between people having access to the modern informationtechnology and those to whom it is not accessible, between developed anddeveloping or under-developed countries, males and females, rural and urbanetc.
TheCivil Society is denied the effective utilizing of ICT due to lack of requiredinfrastructure, lack of open source tools, dearth of trained IT professionals,inaccessibility of ICT to general population, and the effects of onlineinitiatives in reality etc… This paper is attempting to investigate the utilizationof ICT with a perspective of an alternative option for disseminatinginformation and mobilizing the civil society in Pakistan.
Theuse of the ICT’s World Wide Web, in particular the social media; twitter andfacebook, cell phones and SMS have demonstrated an interdependence andinter-relation with digital technology and new media at an international level,and have also resulted in enhancement of interest in the social movementtheory. The ways in which ICTs are utilized and understood are being changed byemerging social movements. According to Goodwin and Jasper (2003, p.7),“research on social movements will undoubtedly continue to evolve as socialmovements themselves evolve.”
            For the purpose of definition, wemay refer to social change as a process that brings about a transformation insocial, political, and economic power structure in a society. It may not be forpoor, or positive for that matter, and depends on individual politicalperceptions. However, the pro-poor process of social transformation will be theone that results in a more even power & resource distribution in thesociety ensuring basic civil rights for the people and enabling the stateinstitutions to provide protection to those fundamental rights. 
The followingdiscussion is a preliminary effort at framing the debate around the need ofresearching the use of ICTs by the civil society in Pakistan; a generalunderstanding of the situation concerning a digital divide that may, or may notexists as a result of the utilization of ICT as an alternative landscape. Anattempt shall also be made to answer the questions like how ICTs are being usedby Pakistan’s civil society for mobilizing the masses, and the effectiveness ofthe mobilization of masses through internet in the Pakistani political andcultural arena. Also how can the utilization of ICT’s help increase thetransformative nature of their work that can trigger long-term social change inthe country.
Social Movementsa Historical View:

Before,delving into the discussion of the power the present day ICT’s enjoys and itsorganization of social movements a historical summary of social movements willhelp us understand the subject at hand better.
Itis a tough task even difficult to achieve with the help of documentation takingplace over a century to define social movements in terms of what they are, howthey play a part in organizing for mobilization of people and resources, and inwhat ways social movements culminate. However, taking up Goodwin and Jasper(2003, p. 4), definition for social movements can bring us closer to achievethe task; social movements are a “complex sets of groups, organizations, andactions that may have different goals as well as different strategies forreaching their aims… [and can help] comprehend human diversity.” Also, socialmovements “are a main source of political conflict and change” (Giugni, 1999,p. xx).
“Untilthe 1960s, most scholars who studied social movements were frightened of them.They saw them as dangerous mobs who acted irrationally [...]” (Goodwin &Jasper 2003, p. 5). The economic turnaround of 1965 resulted in a change inthis perception when the elite and the powerful themselves startedparticipating in social movements. During the decade of seventies, noteworthytheories were proposed and were termed as the resource mobilization (RM)theory. (Goodwin & Jasper, 2003, p. 6) According to Buechler (1993, p.193), RM has been “[...] the dominant theoretical framework for analyzingsocial movements and collective action within the discipline of sociology.” (p.200) also comments that this theory ignores the macro-level social structure aswell as individual motivation, and focuses only on the organizational analysisat meso-level, which is its major short-coming. The social movements startedshowing political glimpses and involvement of state-actors, giving shape to thepolitical process (PP) model, proposing that elites belonging toinstitutionalized organizations and opportunities provided by the state giverise to the social movements. It is influenced by Marxist theory in some ways.As McAdam (1997, p. 172) comments, they are political phenomena and must beevaluated as a “continuous process from generation to decline.” Munson (2001),while discussing the opportunities concept states that the PP “[...] modelsuggests that mobilization can take place only under favourable politicalconditions and focuses on the relationship between social movements andpolitical institutions to understand movement mobilization.”
            The social movement theory wentthrough a cultural shift during the 1980s, and challenges were thrown at PP andRM theories on the pretext that these while taking into account organizationand resources, do not consider the role that culture plays in collectiveaction. This resulted in a reaction from the social movement academicians which in every sense was an indicator of the paradigmshift to cultural from structural analysis of collective action (Tarrow,1998). 
Constructivistand post-modern theories made an impact on models like the new social movementtheory, proposed by Jamison and Eyerman (1997) mainly focusing on interactionand communication amongst individuals and in the society, while approaching theissues of transformation and development. Jamison and Eyerman (1997, p. 251)consider social movements as producers of knowledge. The idea of collectiveaction as proposed by the new social movement theory, suggests that it may“fill gaps in resource mobilization and political process accounts of theemergence, trajectories, and impacts of social movements.” (Polletta &Jasper, 2001).
Ina postmodern world, social change theories are needed to grasp and understandthe subtext and analyse the other side of the story not presented by themainstream corporate media, as it is marred by the capitalist ideologypresenting only the story of a global capitalism, an economic system andhegemonic triumph. These social change theories help us answer pertinentquestion related to why individuals organize in groups and follow a certaingoal or objective which can alter the society. It is important to ask thesequestions, but, posing questions in a systematicmanner is extremely critical. The social change theories serve as guides toboth the policy creators and professionals.
 Social change theories are a progressiontowards the transformation of the power relations, appearing either naturallyor through a collective effort developed in resistance to oppression. It wasduring the eighteenth century when many a social movements raised their headscreating ripples through history by changing the course of individualinteraction with power. This interaction has impacted the modern world and hadengaged individual in a political process to carve a meaningful and effectiveway to resist oppression. The concept of political economy was not directlyassociated to the field of communications initially until Harold Innis, Adornoand Horkheimer’s work elaborated and put forth the concepts of ‘monopolies ofknowledge’ and ‘culture industry’ respectively; producing mass deception andcontrol of certain social groups over the means of communication.
            The factorsinvolved in the societal change are generally identified as politicalinfluences: associated with the state; cultural influences: changing ourattitudes and behaviour affecting the value systems and social structures(Giddens and Duneier, 2000); and the economic influences; based on the Marxiananalysis of the dialectical relation of the economic base and superstructure.However, at an individual level Becker (2001) points out, that a behavioural change may occur through a positiveintention and commitment only. Although to practice this positive change inbehaviour the environmental constraints have to be at bare minimum, personalstandard and self image to be maintained and the advantages of the outcomeshould outweigh the disadvantages (Backer, 2001).
What conditionsfoster social movements and social change has been a point at debate for yearsnow. Although one thing is certain, groups play an important role in eitherencouraging or discouraging the social change and the social movements. Marxalleged that social movements or revolution are a result of opposition andinexplicable economic and other social tensions in a society. Revolutions didnot happen in all advanced industrial society as Marx predicted. On thecontrary, theories suggest that social uproar has more chances of occurring insocieties with improving living conditions leading to higher individualexpectations, and not in those which are poverty-ridden. In other words,relative deprivation results in social movements (Davies, 1962).  
When people donot have any institutionalized means of raising their voice, or when governmentoppression is present curbing the public opinion, collective action and ofsocial mobilization are the by-products. The operation of social controldetermines the way in which a social movement develops. Tourine (1977, 1981)suggests that social movements may not necessarily be the responses tosituations, but may result as an abrupt or spontaneous effort to bring aboutthe social change. Thus he suggests that promoting the idea of social activismand its interaction with social movement is more important.
Thesocial movement theories were traditionally viewed with a Marxian perspectiveof a class bias, however, during recent times, a paradigm shift triggered thiscollective action from a cultural standpoint. Before addressing the genesis andanalyzing the paradigm shift of the social movement theory from a structural toa cultural perspective, it is apt to define the term globalization here.
Theterm Globalisation has become an all encompassing paradigm for the socialsciences; however the available literature on globalisation suggests that theterm has to have acquired certain imperialistic characteristics. Scholars andacademics alike for years have added their own perspectives to define the term,however here we will flesh out only those which serves our topic the most. Beckdefined globalization as a “processes through which sovereign national statesare criss-crossed and undermined by transnational actors with varying prospectsof power, orientations, identities and networks” (2003, p. 11). Smith (2000)added the political, societal, and economic relation perspectives to theprocess of globalization. However the understanding of globalization aspresented by Appadurai’s (1996) is the most relevant here. It considers theprocess to be an inter-societal relationship facilitated by the electronicmedia and the global mobility, which “transforms pre-existing worlds ofcommunication and conduct”, creating “diasporic public spheres, a phenomenathat confound theories that depend on the continued salience of thenation-state as the key arbiter of important social changes” (p. 4).
Tarrow(1998) points out that it’s also the facilitation of globalization of protestand not only the globalization of capital, providing a subsequent boost to thetransnational collective action. Although there is no denying that globalizationis both dominating and exploitative and has served the interests of the anelite minority, yet the “new information technologies [...] appear not just asinstruments for the circulation of commodities, but simultaneously as channelsfor the circulation of struggles” (Dyer Witheford, 1999, p. 128).
The New Social Movement Theory:

The research on social movements increased its scope during the 21stcentury to include the analysis of collective activism at a global level. Atthat point in time, the frameworks of social networks were included in theresearch to help explain the development of social movements. As argued byLangman (2005), the emergence of ICT has resulted in rise of different and newkinds of social movements. The rapid emergence and magnitude of “virtual publicspheres” and “internet-oriented social movements” has given rise to new querieswarranting a revisit of the social movement theory.
Ithas been seen over years that the key to success for the social movement liesin the process of mobilization of the masses. Although, informationdissemination and communication are the two integral parts of the process tobring about the change, organization, mobilization of resources, commoninterests, and opportunity are the rest of the integral ingredients needed tomobilize groups for collective action. Tilly (1978). However, unlessfacilitated by leadership, uninterrupted communication, availability of fundsand material resources, even these four essential conditions may not guaranteea social movement.
The development of socialmovement theory travelled a trajectory from the structural to cultural analysiswhere the concept of culture is utilized as an analytical and theoretical tool.Activist used this tool to investigate the collective action of the societymediated through culture made the activist turn to “identity politics.” Scholars increasingly amongst the activists, concernedwith identity got involved with all facets of culture. This shiftdenotes two distinctive standpoints, the political activism which seeks tobring about a change at the structural level and activism with the subjectiveexperience of an individual in the world as its prime focus. Although focusingon identity primarily has raised question from scholars in class and powerstructures context.
As discussed above in the paper,to bring about a social change human agency either in an individual orcollective form is the key. In the modern era, or the network society socialidentity and identity based movements are the new mantra. Identity is both ahistorical and cultural phenomenon which rises to the centre stage in a networksociety for the development of social change. Castells’ sees the identity’srole in development of the society instead of considering it just as a form ofa consequential tradition in a Marxist world. Castells’ proposed that identitybuilding is a dynamic process and proposed that “who[ever] constructs collectiveidentity, and for what, largely determines the symbolic content of thisidentity, and its meaning for those identifying with it or placing themselvesoutside of it” (Castells’, 1997, p. 7).
He goes on to identify identitiesto be of three types; legitimizing, resistance, and project identity. However,for the purpose of this paper we will briefly discuss the resistance identityonly, but later elaborate on it with the help of an example.

ResistanceIdentity:

Resistance identity is a grassroot level collective identity formation extended by those social actors whoare being excluded by the civil society and other dominant institutions of thesociety. These communes bring together the excluded and the denounced to gain acollective experience as a survival strategy amidst otherwise intolerablecondition of oppression. The communities formed as a result of the resistanceidentity do not mobilize within the parameters of the civil society, but remainmarginalized and pronounced ‘the others’ (Castells’, 1997, p. 10-12). Thesecommunities are formed around a common meaning and are probably the mostdominant identities of our times which provide an opportunity toindividuals who shares social experience to process their thoughts towards newsocial utopias and strategies.
These communities originatingfrom grass root level do not just stop here as fragments of the society but,they become a force that transform the society. However, what conditionsaggravate these transformations is a question which Castells’ tries to answer.Castells’ observes that these resistance based communities cannot mobilizeunless they create a network of their own and then become a network themselves.This serves not only as a precondition to survive and cooperate within thecommunities serving towards achieving the same goal, but also as a necessity tooperate in a virtual media. As Castells’ points out that power in the networkedsociety is due to its diffused hierarchical architecture is not something whichthe social actors have to struggle for as rigorously as in the traditionalsetups.
Social development cannot comeabout without the support of a sound technological infrastructure, thus bothbeing inseparable. Castells’ (1996) in support of the social changes andtechnological changes argue: “since technology is society and societycannot be understood or represented without its technological tools” (p.5).

Entering Networks:

The network society emerges when theglobal information capitalism met the new technological revolution to becomesocially organized and a flow and transaction of information, wealth andculture takes place in real time between nation states superseding theirsovereignty.
McAdam(1997, p. 179) observes, “the ability of insurgents to generate a socialmovement is ultimately dependent on the presence of an indigenous’infrastructure’ that can be used to link members of the aggrieved populationinto an organized campaign of mass political action.” Nonetheless, we would notbe under-stating the facts by saying that the social networks are theinfrastructure, which act as the foundation for a new political agency(Marchetti & Pianta, 2006).
Aredefinition of the social movements from a network perspective would be:“[S]ocial movements are represented by campaigns run by civil societyorganizations, and a social movement could be defined as ‘a network of informalinteractions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations,engaged in a political or cultural conflict, on the basis of a sharedcollective identity.”’ (Steve Wright as cited in Saeed, Rohde & Wulf 2008).
Passyand Giugni (2001) found that networks accomplish three tasks for socialmovements. First they connect prospective participants structurally to anopportunity to take part. The participants are socialized to an issue forprotest. And in the end, a participant finally decides to participate.According to Tilly (2003, p. 8) suggests that, “compared [to] the 20th century,internationally organized networks of activists, international non-governmentalorganizations, and internationally visible targets such as multinationalcorporations and international financial institutions all figure moreprominently in recent social movements”.
Networksare an essential part of how the global justice movements and contemporaryactivism organize and unfolds themselves. An important part of the globaljustice movements are transnational advocacy networks, which albeit workinternationally on common projects and issues yet share common values anddiscourse (Keck & Sekkink, 1998). The purpose of these networks is toprovide an alternative channel for communication and “mobilize informationstrategically to help create new issues and categories and to persuade, pressure,and gain leverage over much more powerful organizations and governments” (p.2).
Social Movementsand ICT’s:

Technology hasplayed a vital role in the mobilization process (Donk et al, 2004) with printmedia used as a main tool for the dissemination of information in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and radio and television broadcasting isassociated with the twentieth century (Langman, 2005). ICTs brought with it newforms of communication such as SMS, Emails, online advocacy and petitioncampaigns which not just helped further the mobilization process (Surman &Reilly, 2003)  but also helped with themagnitude and speed (Diani, 2000). However, the actual impact of these virtualactivities prescribed through in a virtual sphere may not hold much credencedue of lack of achieving the intended purpose (Diani, 2000).
The socialmovements are computer mediated communication dependent on huge networksinstrumental in bringing about the social change. The sparks of virtualresistance were first recorded in 1998 as a conflict between an internet basedcompany and Multilateral Agreement in Investment (MAI) which although turnedout as a failure then, due to various political reasons, but scholarsconcluded, social groups armed with internet technology can carry outsuccessful protests (Aelstand et al, 2004). Later in the early 1990s, theZapatista movement were amongst the initial social movements utilizing theinternet. These were followed by protests against WTO in Seattle and Genoataking place in 1999, which was hugely supported by ICTs like short messageservice (SMS) and emails, resulting in mobilization of a successful protestthrough internet for the first time (Langman, 2005). Today, internet has ahistory of almost 7 years of successful mass mobilization and informationdisbursement.
Thesedevelopments, led the scholars to look into how and in what ways the ICT’s areused, how cyber activism plays a role in this movement for peace, and howtechnology and mass communication are being utilized as a tool for mobilizationby modern-day social movements.
Internet isalthough considered as an informal, unstructured and decentralized organizationyet has resulted in a significant power-relations restructuring sometimes by(McAdam, 1997, p. 178) reversing those power relations. Internet apparentlybrings up a new type of public sphere making the chances of restricting accessand resources comparatively less. As argued by McAdam (1997, p. 180), thestrength and breadth of a communication network broadly decides the pace,pattern, and scope of expansion of a movement. The emergence of socialnetworking sites like Facebook and spread of instant messaging etc has seendevelopment and spread of resources that meet those requirements. According toSaeed, Rohde, and Wulf (2008), “ICTs have tremendous potential to serve astools for information dissemination and organizing protest along withtraditional mobilization methodologies for social movements.” Civilsocieties in developing countries have clearly started to be transformedthrough the impact of ICTs and effects show the much needed transformationthrough radical changes are taking place creating new opportunities.

Civil Society inPakistan:

            The progress of Pakistani governmentfalls short of its own policy targets when it comes to progressing in humandevelopment and providing sufficiently for the basic survival indicators. Thishas resulted in emergence of a conscious and active civil society disappointedwith the state and taking charge of uplifting and transforming the situation intheir country. In generic terms, the civil society refers to formal or informalcitizen groups, networks and initiatives appearing in the context of social, cultural,and economic arenas. The limited utilization of information technology by thecivil society in Pakistan can be gauged by the fact that most of theorganizations are yet to have an active websites. The campaigns started by thecivil society usually represent initiation of a social movement, which can bedefined as “a network of informal interactions between a plurality ofindividuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in a political or culturalconflict, on the basis of a shared collective identity.” (Wright, 2004). A hostof problems including social, economic, political and those related to theissues of governance pose threat to the country, indicating an immediate needof an effective advocacy movement by the civil society for promoting economic &social justice in Pakistan. Considering the increasing incidences of terrorismlimiting the possibility of ground-level activism, the ICTs can become a viableand effective alternative.

ICT Infrastructure in Pakistan:

Understandingfacts such as literacy rates and elements of infrastructure before we make anattempt at determining the impact of cyber-culture in the country is pertinent.Pakistan is a country which is home to around 170 million people. The literacyrate is 69% for men and 45% for women and is continuously growing according toPakistan Economic Survey of 2009-2010. The penetration of cellular phones now stands at a staggering 97.2million in 2010, which is much more than 50% of population according toPakistan Telecommunication Authority. With the commencement of a project in 1993 called SDNPK (SustainableDevelopment Networking Program) in Islamabad, funded by UNDP witnessed thebeginning of internet in the country. The primary objective of such aninitiation was to extend email services to the people providing support toprojects related to sustainable development, NGOs and others. The birth ofinternet industry in Pakistan was marked by the launch of online internetservice by DIGICOM in Karachi in 1994-95. In 2008, PTA reported 22 millioninternet users in Pakistan, out of which 14 million are connected to broadbandconnections. Ninety percent of people who use internet in Pakistan live in themajor towns, though it is rapidly penetrating to smaller towns as well. Thereare now 128 active ISPs (Internet Service Providers) in Pakistan.

Digital Dividein Pakistani Civil Society:

The emergence ofinformation technology has revolutionized the life in Pakistan like the rest ofthe world. Having said that, a deeper analysis reveals an important issue whichprevents the benefits of IT from reaching large strata of population, and thatissue is what we call a digital divide. Although the internet connections inPakistan have increased from 133,000 in the year 2000 to 18,500,000 in the year2010 representing 10% penetration, but is that growth evenly diffused acrosspopulation? This is something which would provide a solid ground to assess thepossible impact especially in terms of social development and social movementsin the country. On the face of it, we come across Pakistani commercialorganization boasting state-of-the-art websites, corporate blogs, Facebookgroups/pages, and personalized emails for employees indicating a major role ITis playing in the functioning of those outfits. However, there are many moreorganizations which are lagging far behind in utilizing the fascinatingbenefits IT offers. This again represents the digital divide we would like tounderstand.
This issue wastaken up in a ground-breaking study (Saeed, Rohde, Wolf University of Siegen,Germany), which analyzed the use of IT in Pakistani civil society. Theresearcher chose to work on the civil society in view of the important partinformation technology plays in their functioning. To make their analysisobjective and empirical, they selected 15 NGOs from less developed areas in allthe four provinces of Pakistan. A survey was conducted to gain insights, andthe findings this study revealed shed light on the issue we are discussing.
Let us firsthave a look at the key findings before we can get to a position of drawingconclusions:
·        Eightout of fifteen sample organizations did not employ an IT professional.
·        Eightorganizations had zero or negligible budget for IT.
·        Noneof the organizations had a formal mailing list, which is so crucial consideringthe importance of people mobilization in operations of an NGO.
·        Nineorganizations did not have their own website and out of those who had, only onewas updated regularly.
·        Onlyone organization was doing online campaigning.
·        Oneorganization was utilizing social media.
·        Oneorganization was maintaining online volunteers’ database.
·        Oneorganization was using options like video conferencing etc. to connect to donoragencies while the rest at the best were using emails to communicate to them.
·        Sixout of fifteen organizations utilized emails to communicate to governmentfunctionaries, which also reflect the state of government departments in termsof IT usage.
The above factsclearly indicate that with all the IT explosion we witness at the surface, deepdown there is a large segment of the society, which is nowhere in sight ofmaking use of the information technology like it is meant to be.
The main reasonsfor this digital divide as described by the study are dearth of trainedprofessionals, and lack of financial resources. It must also have something towith willingness of the decision-makers but we cannot undermine the importanceof the two responsible factors identified by the researchers.
If we attempt totake leads from this insightful study, there seems to be a clear need ofgovernment intervention at the policy level. Actions are required to make thediffusion of technology more uniform, initiate projects leading to lower costof hardware and software, public/private partnerships on educational front, andincentives for small to medium size organizations, both commercial andnon-profit sector to bridge the digital divide and spread the benefits of IT tothe general population uniformly.

            ICTand Social Movement in Pakistan an example:

            Herewe will look into a recent anti-government movement taking place in Pakistan toget a basic impression of the utilization of ICT by the civil society inPakistan. The movement known as the Lawyers movement received participationfrom activists, students, lawyers, politicians, and general public alike. Thisresulted in the declaration of a state of emergency and suspension ofPakistan’s constitution by General Pervez Musharraf, the Chief of Army Staff onNovember 03, 2007. This was followed by initiation of major changes injudiciary and extreme censorship of private news media. The situation pushedthe civil society towards virtual battlefield and the first major movement,which can be termed cyber-activism emerging in Pakistan. The TV channels defiedcensorship by using websites to disseminate information and also to broadcastnews and video footage. Social networking websites like Facebook and Orkut werewidely utilized to mobilize public. The footage of organized protests anddiscussions was widely uploaded at YouTube and Google Videos. Bulk emails,online petitions, tweets, SMS, and blogs were widely used as well forcoordination and disseminating information. Government attempted to block thewebsites but the public resorted to the use of free online anonymizer tools tokeep accessing the sites. (Yusuf, 2007).
Although, the above scenario indicates an optimumuse of ICT during this movement, but there is still a need for extensiveresearch on the civil society in Pakistan to correctly assess the extent ofparticipation in the virtual domain. Preliminary analysis however indicatesthat the bulk of online resources utilized during this movement was initiatedand managed by Pakistanis living abroad.
Through this example we have seen how the citizenjournalists and advocates of democracy have utilized the new media options anddigital technologies for hyper-local reports and organizing community. Alongwith the developed, the developing and the third world too are not a passiveconsumer market anymore as new media platforms are becoming popular and thecommunication tools are being reinvented to make consumers, the media producersand participants interact online and discuss prevailing issues.
The popularity of new media in Pakistan can howeverbe attributed for a need to have access to information rather than an urge toparticipate. The new media was actually cultivated to bridge the informationgap and keep the news and information flowing when the traditional media facedobstructions. In a way, the survival of old media in Pakistan was helped by thenew media. This process gave rise to a phenomenon through which the informationreaches the audience through conventional, as well as the new media platformwith the use of digital technology so it cannot be censored or tampered by thegovernment. Today with active amateurs and activists, any news items can findit ways to SMS, twitter, YouTube and blogs from mainstream media almostinstantly. However, we would be making a mistake to conclude that digitaltechnology and new media alternatives are confined in their use to onlyinformation dissemination and organizing community by high-profile activistsand educated citizen journalists. In fact, some of the best examples of usingnew media and digital platform are for addressing local issues, and are ad-hoc,adaptive and specific to cultural realities. For example, people now are seenutilizing such options very effectively to either navigate traffic duringmonsoon, informing people in wake of terrorist activities, and otherincidences.
This demonstrates how common men with commitment andwillingness to serve their community can be extremely effective in addressinglocal problems once they lay their hands on the powerful new media and digitaltechnology. The new media and digital technology is becoming so relevant in thesituation prevailing in Pakistan that the digital divide and participation gapis being bridged in unfamiliar and unpredictable, but sustainable ways due tosheer pervasiveness. We can confidently anticipate that this rapid emergence ofnew media and digital technology in developing countries like Pakistan willsoon lead to development of new tools and interfaces in local languages andwith greater relevance in local culture, which will in turn, surely increasethe participation from general public, and will result in networking, communitymobilization, and activism in virtual sphere like never before. Although theneed for further research about the extent of public participation by peoplebased in Pakistan and the underlying patterns should not be ignored. Anotherfactors requiring investigation is that whether the emergence of cyber activismis actually strengthening the civil society, or is leaving out a major part ofpopulation that resides in rural areas and is largely not a part of thecyber-world. The socio-economic background and dimensions of a region cannot beignored while evaluating the impact on the real life by the movements takingplace online. And most importantly, how the structure of social movements is affectedby the emergence of digital media is worth researching.

Conclusion:

Keeping the above discussed example in mind, we needto make sure that there is spread of information technology at an affordablecost to the general public. The benefits of which would spread in many ways;for example people can have access to services which improve their productivityand reduce the cost of what they produce, keep themselves aware of thepossibilities emerging in their field of activity, take advantage of online educationaland training possibilities, make their voice reach to a greater audienceregardless of the purpose, make informed decisions, andon the whole be more profitable and gain more return on their investment andefforts.
As discussed above, one of the major determinant ofemergence and success of ICT is rapid diffusion of technology across thepopulation. However certain work needs to be done in this area and can beachieved by reducing the cost of hardware and connectivity, and developingsoftware in Urdu, which is the National language of Pakistan so as to bridgethe gap that the use of a foreign language creates, special for the populationwhose medium of education hasn’t been English even though they may not beilliterate as such.
Although it is perfectly understandable that if acountry has to buy proprietary software for initialization of IT projects, theprogress will always remain limited. Pakistan now has a large number of privateuniversities offering quality education in computer science and softwaredevelopment, and a campaign at national level, preferably initiated by theMinistry of Communication in line with the national IT objectives can surelygenerate new software and those too in local languages to spread the use ofinternet based technology, which is actually the future of IT. Unless a seriousunderstanding of this issue and determined steps are taken in the rightdirection, we may keep lagging behind in spreading the benefits of IT to ourpeople. However, the unfortunate fact that Pakistan is largely dependent onimported hardware is a major hindrance in the spread of use of personalcomputers. The most useful machine remains unaffordable for the majority ofpopulation, and even the government educational institutions cannot buy enoughdue to limited resources. The sooner Pakistan goes into local manufacturing ofcomputers and software development, the better for the future of utilization ofinformation technology in the country.
References
Aelstand.V. P & Walgrave. S. (2004). New media mew movements? The role of internetin             shaping the antiglobalization movement In Donk, V.D. W, et al Cyber Protest, New Media,Citizens and Social Movements (pp. 97-122). London, UK: Rutledge.
Anheier, H. et al. (2001). Globalcivil Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Appadurai,A. (1996). Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization. Minneapolis,   MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Backer, T.E. (2001). Increasingparticipation means changing behavior: What can be learned from behaviouralscience? Grantmakers in the Arts Reader,12(1), 18-22.
Bargh, J. A., & Mckenna, K. Y. A.(2004). The internet and social life, AnnualReview of Psychology, 55, 573-590.
Beck, U. (2003). What isglobalization? (P. Camiller. Trans.). Cambridge, UK:  Polity Press.
Castells, M. (1996). The rise of the network Society, theinformation age: Economy, society and culture. (1st Ed).Cambridge, MA: Oxford, UK: Blackwell
Castells, M. (1997). The power of identity, the information age:Economy, society and culture. (1st Ed). Cambridge, MA: Oxford,UK: Blackwell
Davies, J.C. (1962). Towards atheory of revolution. AmericanSocilogical Review, 27.
Diani,M. (2000). Social movement networks virtual and real: Information, Communication& Society, 3, 388- 391.
Donk,V.D. W, et al. (2004). Social movements and ICTs In Donk, V.D. W, et al CyberProtest, New Media, Citizens and Social Movements (pp. 1-26). London, UK:Rutledge.
Evers,D. H. and Greke, S. (2004). Closing thedigital divide: Southeast Asia’s path towards a knowledge Society. RetrievedMarch 16 2011, fromhttp://www.ace.lu.se/images/Syd_och_sydostasienstudier/working_papers/evers_gelke.pdf
Giddens,A., Duneier, M. (2000).  Introduction to sociology. (3rd ed). NewYork and London: W.W. Norton and Company,Inc.
Langman,L. (2005a). From virtual public spheres to global justice: A critical theory ofinternet worked Social Movements. Sociological Theory, 23, 42-74.
Langman,L. (2005b). From Virtual Public Spheres to Global Justice: A Critical Theory ofInternetworked Social Movements. SociologicalTheory 23 (1), 42–74.
Marchetti,Raffaele & Pianta, M. (2006). Understanding networks in global socialmovements, working paper, University of Urbino
McAdam, D. (1997). The Political ProcessModel. In Steven M. Buechler &Kurt F. Cylke (Eds.),  Social movements: Perspectives and issues,(pp. 172–192) Mayfield Publishing.
Passy, Florence & Giugni, M. (2001).Social networks and individual perceptions: Explaining differentialparticipation in social movements. SociologicalForum 16(1), 123–153.
Saeed, S., Rohde, M. and Wulf, V. (2008)ICTs, An alternative sphere for Social Movements in Pakistan: A ResearchFramework. Paper Presented at IADISinternational conference on ESociety. April 9-12, 2008. Algarve, Portugal.
Smith, J. (2000). Globalizing resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the future of socialmovements. Working paper. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from http://depts.washington.edu/pcls/papers.htm
Surman, M., & Reilly, K.(2003).  Appropriating the internet for social change: towards the strategic useof networked technologies by transnational civil society organizations. NewYork, NY: Social Science Research Council. Retrieved March 16 2011, from http://programs.ssrc.org/itic/civ_soc_report/
Tarrow, S. (1998). Power in movement:Social movements and contentious politics. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press.
Tilly, C. From Mobilization toRevolution, Reading, MA: Addison’Wesley, 1986.
Touraine, A. (1977). The self ‘production of society. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.
Touraine, A. (1981). The Voice and the Eye: An Analysis of SocialMovements. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Yusuf, H. (2007). State of emergency inPakistan: An analysis of local media 9 November 2007 Retrieved March 16 2011,from:
         http://civic.mit.edu/?p=38 [Accessed 30 January 2008]

Syndicated from: Ramblings

Comments (0)

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Southern Africa Year in Review: Democracy without Citizens?

Posted on 23 December 2011 by Tea Server

The year 2011 for Southern Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa in general, will probably be remembered for what did not happen in the light of the people-powered uprising and protests that swept across the globe.

In the Arab world, in particular North Africa, what is being now referred to as the Arab Spring made 2011 a tough year for the dictatorial regimes of Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, and of course Gaddafi, who was killed in Libya. In the Western world, a movement that started as Occupy Wall Street in New York stirred up similar protests across major cities in the US, Britain, Italy, Germany, France, Spain, Portugal and Asian countries as citizens fought back against growing greed and inequality. Public anger over the debt crisis brought down Prime Minister George Papandreou and Silvio Berlusconi in Greece and Italy respectively.

Yet, despite the Southern African region’s high level of poverty, unemployment, and inequality, we did not see a wave of public anger similar to what we have seen across the globe. In a case study of five Southern African countries, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa has found that poverty and inequality is tearing apart Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa and Angola, with many citizens living on a mere US$1 per day. The irony here is that some of those countries, such as Namibia and South Africa, are resource-rich countries with some of the highest GDP in the world.

Amid this global backlash against greed and inequality, why were most Southern African streets (apart from isolated and sporadic protests in Malawi and Swaziland) empty, quiet, and business as usual? What happened to the militant spirit that has sent many young people toyi-toying in the streets of Namibia, Zimbabwe, and South Africa against colonialism, poverty, and social injustice in the 60s and 80s?

One answer given for this widespread citizenry indifference in Southern African has been explained in terms of the belief that some of the governments in the region would not hesitate to use harsh measures if confronted by an Arab Spring-like mass action. True to this, in Zimbabwe some 45 activists were rounded up and charged with treason for watching a Mideast uprising video. In Malawi, the security force launched a violent crackdown on the protestors, leaving at least 18 protestors dead. In Swaziland, pro-democracy activists were banned, arrested, tear-gassed, and sprayed with water cannons.

It is also true that when the uprising was under way in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, none of the Southern Africa governments (well, South Africa maybe did but flip-flopped later to save face with the radicals within the ANC and other hawkish Africanists in the region) picked up a phone to urge Mubarak, Gadaffi, or Ben Ali to exercise restraint in dealing with the protestors. Instead, what we heard from Southern African governments was the usual song of complaint about Western interference in Africa’s internal matters.

But here is another explanation: Southern African citizens’ indifference can be explained in a “been there and done that” syndrome. This is because in some ways Southern Africa is a little bit ahead of North Africa in terms of democratization, meaning that most governments in Southern Africa are products of democracy and came to power through elections. Whereas North Africa might have been stable and economically advanced but did not have democratic governments. However, a distinctive characteristic of the southern African democracy is that not only we have a democracy without democrats but also a democracy without citizens. Southern Africa’s democracies did not and do not produce citizens but subjects controlled by governments due to the hierarchical nature of Southern African politics which demands obedience and loyalty from citizens. Why? Although they claim to have fought for democracy (such as SWAPO in Namibia, ANC in South Africa, MPLA in Angola, FRELIMO in Mozambique and ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe), most ruling parties in Southern Africa don’t operate as democrats. Their politics and decision making processes are highly centralized. By the way, the same can also be said about most opposition political parties too.

It is against the backlog of this unquestioning and uncritical citizenry, that we understand why Mugabe is still in power today and why most ruling parties in that region have won elections with landslide victory. This is why the Namibian president can place a moratorium on public discussions about the SWAPO presidential succession. And this is why the ANC-dominated National Assembly in South Africa can pass a law (reversing the gains made against apartheid repressive laws and policies) to limit free speech.

On the flip side, events in North Africa made the world forget (as the international media and world government shifted its attention to the Arab Spring) about Southern Africa, especially with regard to what’s going on in Zimbabwe and Malawi

Here are a few predictions for 2012: The ruling party SWAPO’s 2012 election campaign to replace the incumbent Namibian president when his term expires is shaping up to be between Geingob (who is the vice president of SWAPO) and me Pendukeni Ithana (who is the secretary of SWAPO). One is believed to be a technocrat and the other a populist. But both are insiders, so expect less change here if either of them wins. What is clear, however, is that another potential split (this would be the third split if it happens) from the ruling party is looming as the in-fighting has already started. More is too come as we inch closer to Election Day.

In Zimbabwe, it is clear that the opposition party MDC (MDC has lost the mojo, and has been weakened by in-fighting too) is not the party that will bring down Mugabe (as it was hoped), but expect a potential split within the ruling ZANU-PF party. As Mugabe’s health continues to deteriorate, we expect infighting as members vie for control and Mugabe’s position.

On the other hand, South Africa will continue walking the populist road and of course with less transparent governance. Unless restored, expect the worst from Malawi because its life line support, which is aid from the international community, has been cut off, which is going to make life difficult for ordinary citizens. Angola and Mozambique (riding on oil) will continue unabated because we don’t really hear much about these two countries in terms of international coverage anyway. The remaining question is will Swaziland eventually collapse economically, or has it already collapsed?

Comments (0)

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Letter to a Pakistani Diplomat

Posted on 16 December 2011 by Tea Server

By Eqbal Ahmed:

After the publication of a letter in The New York Times (April 10, 1971) signed by me jointly with three other West Pakistani scholars and after subsequent statements of mine opposing the Pakistani military government’s intervention in East Bengal, several Pakistani officials protested my position. They all pointed out that: 1) The army, under General Yahya, is only protecting national integrity against a secessionist movement which would cause the 70 million people in East Pakistan to break away from the 56 million in West Pakistan; 2) The army intervened only after the Bengali nationalists had started killing West Pakistani residents in East Pakistan and the minority Bihari refugees from India; 3) Since the leaders of the Awami League of East Pakistan have pro-Western sympathies and connections, and the Chinese “support” the federal government, anti-imperialist and radical elements should not oppose the military’s action. The following is a reply to one such “friend”.

Dear——

I hope you understand that it was not easy for me and my brother Saghir Ahmad to publish the statement you saw in The New York Times (April 10, 1971). First, I did not have any natural sympathy for the Bangla Desh movement. In fact, I had a definite feeling of antipathy for Sheikh Mujib [East Pakistan’s leader whose party, the Awami League, won a governing majority in the national assembly and 98 percent of Bengali votes]. He impressed me as being a limited man, impetuous and unimaginative. But then I have less regard for his West Pakistani counterparts—the miserable Mr. Bhutto who changes his politics like a lizard his color, or the generals who, bred by colonial Britain and armed by the USA, appear bent on turning the country into a Muslim version of Greece and Spain.

Secondly, as you know, I am originally from Bihar, and most of my people had migrated to East Pakistan. Several of them were killed by Bengali zealots during the period immediately preceding the military’s intervention. Furthermore, I grew up during the Movement for Pakistan, and it is hard not to cherish the idea of national unity. Lastly, as a radical and an internationalist, I do not believe that separatist movements constitute a forward step in the right direction. For these reasons, my inclinations should be to support a policy of maintaining the integrity of Pakistan.

However, as I see the facts surrounding recent developments, I am able to find neither a political and economic nor a moral justification for the current policy of military intervention. I have been examining the facts as closely as it is possible to do, given the censorship of news by the military regime and the resulting imbalances in news reports, some of which necessarily emanate from India.

 

My considered opinion is that:

1) The East Pakistanis had genuine grievances against the federal government, dominated by the military since at least 1957. Not even the most hawkish West Pakistanis deny the gross economic inequities and exploitation suffered by the Bengalis. Politically, twelve years of direct military rule deprived them of even a minor share in the exercise of power.

2) The nearly unanimous electoral support for the Awami League’s demand for provincial autonomy was the result of the neglect of East Pakistan, climaxing in the example of the incredible negligence in the relief of cyclone victims last November. I recognize that the poor in West Pakistan have suffered also. The callousness of our rulers may be undiscriminating. Yet the more disadvantaged people of East Pakistan could only comprehend their condition as caused by regional discrimination.

3) Having failed to arrive at an extra-parliamentary settlement, the military, supported by West Pakistani leaders, intervened on March 25, 1971, to offset the results of Pakistan’s first freely held elections. Perhaps the army had little hope of obtaining the capitulation of Pakistan’s elected representatives. It is now clear that the army used the negotiations between General Yahya and Sheikh Mujib as a cover to prepare for its intervention.

4) There is absolutely no popular base of support for the federal government. Even after four months of terror it has been unable to produce a group of political quislings capable of lending some legitimacy to the army’s occupation.

5) While the military has the power to lord over East Pakistan, the cost of this colonization will be very high for the peoples of both East and West. For the latter it must include increasing economic hardships, militarization of our politics and society, and total denial of civil liberties. The closing of journals like Asad andLail-O-Nahar, the recent jailing without trial in West Pakistan of 800 persons, including leaders like Afzal Bangash, Mukhtar Rana, and G.M. Syed, intellectuals like Abdullah Malik and Sheikh Ayaz, academicians like G.M. Shah, and the recent public floggings of dissenters against the government in Lyalpur and Sialkot are indicative of the shift toward totalitarianism.

Similarly I worry over the statements and editorials which provoke public paranoia by suggesting an Indian-Jewish-American conspiracy in this conflict. This, regardless of the fact that with arms and money the American government is underwriting the murderous mission of the military dictatorship. Above all I am distressed by the promotion of religious fundamentalism and the systematic killing and harassment by the army of our Hindu citizens. I shudder when I think of the repercussions this policy may have for the 80 million Moslems in India.

6) Unless there is an immediate end to military rule in East Pakistan, famine and pestilence as well as periodic massacres by the army will cost millions of lives in the coming months. The intervention has already caused an estimated 250,000 deaths of unarmed civilians. Six million refugees have reached India. Between 60,000 and 100,000 are arriving daily and are facing infection from cholera and the hostility of poor Indians. Millions languish in the interior of East Pakistan, hungry and terrorized, potential statistics in what threatens to become the greatest holocaust in history.

As you know, the balance of survival is delicate in East Pakistan. Minor disruptions often cause major tragedies. Nineteen seventy and 1971 have been particularly hard years. The floods last August and September were the worst of the last decade and destroyed about half a million tons of rice. The cyclone in November, the most severe of the century, destroyed an equal amount of rice and rendered one thousand square miles of rice lands uncultivable for at least one year.

Then the army, in an effort to deny supplies to the Bengali opposition, started confiscating and burning the food reserves. Many displaced or frightened peasants in the villages have not harvested the winter crop. The combined losses, amounting to about 2.5 million tons of rice, must be replaced immediately if mass starvation is to be prevented. The recent survey by the World Bank, as well as the disclosures by Senator Kennedy of suppressed State Department reports, indicate that Western and US officials in East Pakistan have been warning Washington of the “specter of famine.”

 

Others have been more concrete in their predictions. Three months ago, Iain MacDonald, Relief Coordinator for Oxfam and other agencies, warned that 1.5 million persons may face starvation. Recently the Financial Times of Londonestimated that possibly four million would die unless relief and reconstruction were speedily begun. Alan Hart, a BBC reporter, believes it “probable that twenty or more million East Pakistanis will be starving by September or October.”

The dispatch of more supplies for relief is by itself unlikely to avert the impending tragedy. Only a quick restoration of civilian rule can prevent the use of food grains and medicine as military weapons; and only such a restoration can ensure both the distribution of relief and an effective role for international agencies in the administration of such relief.

7) Lastly, I should stress that no genuine restoration of civilian government will be possible until the East Pakistanis have been conceded their right to autonomy or even secession.

 

For these reasons, I believe that the only workable course for West Pakistanis is to insist on immediate and unconditional termination of martial law, the convening of the duly elected national assembly, and a commitment that the majority decisions of that assembly shall be binding on all, even if these decisions dismember Pakistan as a state consisting of East and West. We must reject the army’s absurd claim that it has intervened to protect the nation’s “integrity” from the party that had just won, in Pakistan’s only freely held elections, a governing majority in the national assembly.

In fact, the elected representatives of East Pakistan had insisted only on fulfilling their mandate to achieve autonomy for their province. The proclamation by the East Pakistanis of the independent state of Bangla Desh took place only after the army refused to convene the national assembly and after it had brutally intervened in East Pakistan on March 25, 1971. In his speech of June 28, General Yahya denied the right of the national constituent assembly to draw up a constitution and he harshly attacked all the leaders of the Awami League. This destroyed the possibility of any settlement based on the mandate of the elections.

I know that I shall be condemned for my position. For someone who is facing a serious trial in America, it is not easy to confront one’s own government. Yet it is not possible for me to oppose American crimes in Southeast Asia or Indian occupation of Kashmir while accepting the crimes that my government is committing against the people of East Pakistan. Although I mourn the death of Biharis by Bengali vigilantes, and condemn the irresponsibilities of the Awami League, I am not willing to equate their actions with that of the government and the criminal acts of an organized, professional army.

According to reliable reports, which were not challenged by the government, no more than 10,000 persons were killed or wounded by Bengali nationalists in the riots against the Biharis. At the beginning of August, however, West Pakistan military authorities issued a white paper which claimed that 100,000 people were killed by the Bengali opposition. These and other exaggerated claims in the white paper were obviously intended to justify trials and possible death sentences for opposition leaders. As this letter is being written, the military government has announced that Sheikh Mujib will face a secret military tribunal on August 12, on charges of “waging war” against Pakistan. Since the white paper announced that seventy-nine members of the unconvened national assembly will face criminal charges, Mujib’s trial may foreshadow more secret prosecutions.

I know that the army did not intervene in East Pakistan to stop the killing of non-Bengalis, which went on for three weeks while the generals pretended to seek extra-parliamentary deals with the politicians. Saving civilian lives was not the motive behind the vast repressions that have already cost countless Pakistanis their lives and property and forced millions to flee to India. Unequal bartering of brutalities is not a function of responsible government. The very fact that this military regime seeks justification for its behavior by referring to the excesses of the Awami League and the aroused masses is a measure of the steep decline in the civic standards of our army and civil services. Above all, criminality is not a commercial proposition: one cannot deposit the crimes of one into the account of another.

 

The Chinese rhetoric on this issue is irrelevant. They have offered Pakistan their support only against foreign interference; and indicated their belief that this conflict is an internal matter. Much more alarming is the American government’s decision to continue armaments sales and economic aid to the dictatorship, despite the unanimous opposition of its Western allies, of important men in the Congress, and of the World Bank. This is particularly striking in view of the long-standing loyalty to the West and to the US of Sheikh Mujib and his party.

Washington’s assistance to the West Pakistan junta should be a lesson to those Pakistanis who believed that the US, given a choice between militarists and moderate democrats, would choose the latter. The leaders of the Awami League in East Pakistan failed to understand how important West Pakistan was to the Nixon-Kissinger strategy of building an informal anti-Soviet alliance of dependable clients around the Mediterranean and Indian oceans—from Spain and Portugal, through Greece and Israel, to Iran and Pakistan.

It has been said that General Yahya is now being rewarded by US support for having arranged Mr. Kissinger’s recent mission to China. If this is so, then the Chinese-American detente will have started by being detrimental to the weak and poor in Asia. Whatever the reasons for US policy, however, one effect is clear: Americans have become silent accomplices in crimes against humanity in yet another part of Asia. But their obligations are not as urgent as yours and mine.

I should also stress that the recent developments strengthen the possibility of a war between India and Pakistan. The two countries are more and more becoming pawns in world politics. India and the USSR have now signed a twenty-year friendship pact in which Russia promises to give military assistance to India in the event of war with Pakistan. This treaty cancels the gains that Pakistan had made at the Tashkent conference in 1966, when the Russians promised both to give aid to Pakistan and to be neutral in India-Pakistan relations.

 

I do not know if my position would at all contribute to a humane settlement. Given the fact that our government is neither accountable to the public nor sensitive to the opinion of mankind, our protest may have no effect until this regime has exhausted all its assets and taken the country down the road to moral, political, and economic bankruptcy. However, lack of success does not justify the crime of silence in the face of criminal, arbitrary power.

Source:http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1971/sep/02/letter-to-a-pakistani-diplomat/?pagination=false

Syndicated from: Pak Tea House

Comments (0)

Register your blog:

Enter your blog address below to become a part of the TeaBreak network.

About TeaBreak:

TeaBreak.pk is a blog aggregator that syndicates pakistani blogs and categorizes them appropriately. Our mission is to give our readers a break from work and let them enjoy their blog time. And we are doing this by bringing all the popular blogs of Pakistan on one platform.