Tag Archive | "Pervez Musharraf"

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Pakistani Prime Minister Due in Court For Contempt Hearing

Posted on 13 February 2012 by Tea Server

As Reported by CNN

Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani of Pakistan is due to appear Monday before the country’s Supreme Court, which plans to charge him with contempt in relation to a long-running struggle over old corruption cases.

Gilani is locked in a standoff with the Supreme Court justices, who are demanding that he ask the Swiss authorities to revive corruption charges from the previous decade against President Asif Ali Zardari and others.

Gilani has refused the court’s demands and could be jailed for six months if the justices find him in contempt. The court on Friday rejected an appeal by Gilani’s lawyers against the summons to face the contempt charge.

The lawyers have argued that the prime minister has not followed the court’s order because Zardari enjoys immunity in Pakistan and abroad as a president in office.

Gilani said in an interview over the weekend with the satellite news network Al Jazeera that he had an “extremely capable” lawyer and didn’t believe the court would jail him on the contempt charges.

If found guilty of contempt, the prime minister could be forced from office. But his lawyers have said he would keep his position unless electoral officials disqualified him.

Gilani served more than five years in prison between 2001 and 2006 on corruption charges brought by the previous military regime of Gen. Pervez Musharraf — counts he said were also politically motivated.

The corruption cases that the Supreme Court now wants reopened stem from money-laundering charges against Zardari and his late wife, former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. A Swiss court convicted them in absentia in 2003 of laundering millions of dollars.

After Musharraf granted a controversial amnesty in 2007 to Zardari, Bhutto, and thousands of other politicians and bureaucrats, Pakistan asked the Swiss authorities to drop the case. In 2009, the Pakistani Supreme Court ruled the amnesty was unconstitutional and called on the government to take steps to have the cases reopened.

The government has not done so, and the court apparently lost patience. Since Gilani is the head of the government, the court justices view him as responsible.

Filed under: Democracy, Pakistan, Pakistan Army, Pakistanis Tagged: Benazir Bhutto, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, Pakistan, Pakistan Supreme Court, Pervez Musharraf, President Asif Ali Zardari, Swiss Court, Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani

Syndicated from: Pakistanis for Peace

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New media fires old media

Posted on 02 February 2012 by Tea Server

By Alee Paul

I never want to criticize anything.  We the people beautifully give a comprehensive solution to the problems, and even the way we identify problem that jolts me. Ask anybody over a cup of tea what is this nation’s biggest problem, everybody will close argument by wrapping it in one word, Education, poverty, bureaucracy and the list goes on. The continuous bombardment of issues from media to the nation’s head has made so many scholars out of us that we even forgot to identify what is the actual issue around here? So what is really the issue here? Question still remains.

Do we have our own opinion? Or what we are talking about is Hamid Mir, Talat Hussain and whosoever banging inside our heads. No we don’t, all is cooked up. We don’t want to think anymore, we don’t want to take a break from news now, we want updates every second, even if they are shocking enough to listen that my neighborhood was targeted by American drones last night while I was having peanuts. The channels are baking every insignificant news to ‘Breaking News’ not just because they want to, but also because what we want to hear is what we want to hear from them. Talking about the latest Maya Khan Fiasco and the drop scene was as I was expecting it to be. She got fired from that channel along with her production crew.

It was not a surprise, not something very new for me in this country, recalling the past I find so many similar stories, whether it’s Dr. Abdul Qadir Khan who was the face of the crime of Nuclear Proliferation and saved millions of lives by confessing or his former president Pervez Musharraf accepting Laal Masjid Operation as a mistake and nobody knows who else were accompanying him on those kinds of misadventures. See everybody is as naked here. Samaa TV stepped forward, apologized, presented disclaimer and did what was required in ‘greater good’ of organization. Thanks but no Thanks Samaa. We never wanted that, what we want is why that kind of thing got on air in the first place.

It’s not about Maya khan, don’t worry I am not playing devil’s advocate here. It’s about stepping out of Maya khan, and let’s contemplate for a millisecond, was firing her the best we wanted from Samaa? Was all that campaigning from Social Media to get her fired or we really want to change something around here at this point of time?

From where I see we don’t want to change our very own collective unconscious here because we believe in hating the sinner (which by the way Maya herself did too), but we don’t want to eliminate the sin and then we make common cognitive errors. We create demons to kill other demons and when the new demon starts messing we market another one more fierce and beasty in nature, and we get stuck in a vicious cycle of demonization. The demon factory created trained militia ‘Taliban’ to fight soviets, Media to encounter society’s deep dark secrets and millions of other examples we can find in our daily lives. Are we going to blame Maya for all this? Because what we do best in a stress or a panic situation is to blame. Blame game is the national game for us. I don’t want to accept at my face that a Lion can be the leader of jackals. We have to cogitate that what we want is a change of face or a change of thought process. If it would not have been Maya, it would have been somebody else. We are in a hurry we want to close the case as soon as possible and wait for another problem to hit us in the head, and that’s what we are best at. Given the problem, thought it for a second and bingo ‘we have the solution’ JUST fire her! We have no time to get hooked up to a single cause for so long.

Finally a sincere apology to Maya for losing her job, we didn’t mean to hurt you either, like you didn’t want somebody to get hurt with your program. With you Maya there are millions of your kind who deserve this or may be worse, but eventually they are not losing their jobs because they are playing it safe. See that’s common between cricket and life, one wrong selection of the shot and you will be directed to pavilion with no mercy.

Syndicated from: Pak Tea House

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Photo Gallery: Pervez Musharraf

Posted on 23 January 2012 by Tea Server

With Musharraf’s possible return to Pakistani politics on everyone’s minds, Newsline has compiled a photo gallery of the former president and military man from its archives.

Syndicated from: Newsline » People

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Early Elections Seen as Possible Solution to Pakistan’s Political Crisis

Posted on 16 January 2012 by Tea Server

By Saeed Shah for The Miami Herald

Pakistan’s political crisis, which pits its president against determined opponents in foes in Parliament, the Supreme Court and the military, is likely to reach fever pitch on Monday with a confidence vote scheduled in Parliament and hearings scheduled in two critical court cases.

The crisis is so intense that President Asif Zardari’s administration may be willing to call elections for as soon as October, according to members of his ruling coalition and its advisers. But that may not be enough to mollify the opposition, which wants earlier elections, or the country’s powerful military establishment, which is believed to be trying to force a so-called “soft coup,” under which Zardari, a critic of the military’s traditional dominance of Pakistan, would be forced out by Parliament or the courts.

The threat of an outright coup also hangs over the crisis, if the politicians cannot find a way out or the court proceedings reach absolute stalemate.

Whether the government can reach agreement with opposition leader Nawaz Sharif is unclear. Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party doesn’t want to announce elections until after voting in March for a new Senate, which the PPP is widely expected to win. But Sharif would like the new elections to be in the summer, perhaps June, which would require an earlier announcement.

“There is no other option for the government to come out of the current crisis without elections,” said an adviser to the PPP leadership, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, as did the other coalition members. “It is in the interests of the PPP to reach an agreement with Nawaz.”

The PPP rules with three major coalition partners, but the alliance is looking shaky. Two of the parties, the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Q, have distanced themselves somewhat from the government.

A senior member of the coalition said the parties so far have agreed internally only to a general election to be held in October. That would be just a few months before the February 2013 date when Parliament would complete its five-year term and elections would have to be held anyway.

An early election should also placate the courts and the military. A supposedly neutral caretaker government would have to be installed to oversee a three-month electioneering period.

Another coalition member said: “It is 100 percent certain that there will be elections in 2012. The only solution is elections. It doesn’t matter whether they are held in June or October.”

Zardari’s coalition itself brought Monday’s confidence vote resolution to Parliament, cleverly wording it so that it asks for support not for the prime minister or even the government, but for democracy. That makes it difficult to oppose.

But the PPP’s troubles in Parliament are only one of the fronts in its battle for survival. The courts and the military are both maneuvering against the party’s leaders, with two explosive cases coming up for hearings Monday.

The first stems from a 2007 decree by President Pervez Musharraf that granted immunity from prosecution to Zardari and other exiled PPP politicians in an effort to persuade them to return to Pakistan to participate in elections that Musharraf was being pressured by the United States to hold.

The Supreme Court later ruled, however, that the decree was illegal and demanded that the government reopen corruption charges against Zardari stemming from the time when his wife, the assassinated PPP leader Benazir Bhutto, was prime minister.

The government declined, however, and now the court has summoned the government to explain its actions. The court could declare Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani in contempt of court, which would in effect remove him from office.

The other case involves the the scandal in which a judicial commission is investigating allegations that Husain Haqqani, a close Zardari adviser and former ambassador to the U.S., wrote a memo that was passed to U.S. officials in May. That memo offered to replace the Pakistan military’s top officials in return for U.S. support should the military attempt to push Zardari aside.

Haqqani, who was forced to resign, says he had nothing to do with the memo, which the military has said amounted to treason.

The judicial commission may take testimony this week from an American businessman, and occasional news commentator, Mansoor Ijaz, who claimed that he had delivered the memo to U.S. officials, in a column that appeared in the British newspaper the Financial Times in October. Ijaz has said he will show up as a witness, though he apparently has yet to receive a visa to enter Pakistan.

Filed under: Afghanistan, American Muslims, Democracy, Freedoms, Pakistan, Pakistan Army, Pakistanis, President Obama, Taliban, United States, US Army Tagged: Asif Ali Zardari, General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, Imran Khan, Mansoor Ijaz, Memogate, MQM, Muttahida Quami Movement, Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan, Pakistan Muslim League-Q, Pakistan Parliment, Pervez Musharraf, PPP, Yousuf Raza Gilani

Syndicated from: Pakistanis for Peace

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The Khan of the Season

Posted on 15 January 2012 by Tea Server

BY E. Shahid for The Khaleej Times

When Imran Khan is around, there are more jealous husbands than worried batsmen. The famous remark made about the handsome Pathan cricketer, who took the subcontinent by storm in the 1970s and 80s, is symptomatic of the aura of the man that transcended sporting excellence. Despite the fierce cricketing rivalry, Imran was admired both in India and Pakistan, and continues to be a revered figure across the world of cricket.
Intensity and self-belief stood out in his performances on the field and charisma and poise surrounded him off it. Imran added virtues of honesty and missionary zeal to his personality when he single-handedly launched a cancer hospital for the poor and, more recently, a rural university in Pakistan. With his coming of age in the world of politics, it appears that the same set of qualities will hold him in good stead. Or is it?

To an outsider uninformed about the intricacies and conspiracy theories of Pakistani politics, Imran brings a breath of fresh air. He offers a glimmer of hope to an embattled country and a much needed respite from its present set of politicians. He combines neo-liberal political thought with a comprehensive worldview, traditional approach and a clean image in the face of rampant corruption. As a package, he promises a political transformation that can be invested in.

It appears that Imran has managed to bring a fragmented country under one umbrella defying the politics of identity, regionalism, sectarianism and even feudalism. He appears to have appealed to all segments of the society at least across a large swath of urban population, especially the youth who hold key to the future.

Imran has lured into his fold senior statesmen, veteran politicians, some even controversial ones, artists and army men. If the grapevine is to be believed, Imran Khan’s biggest catch is going to be former army general and President Pervez Musharraf, who is also trying to make a comeback into Pakistan politics.

Imran’s political discourse has also matured. In his public speeches, he stresses on programmes and policies and seems to have prescriptions for most ills facing the country, especially its ailing economy. If all this is taken at face value, Imran Khan is a godsend not just for Pakistan but also for the neighbourhood and the region as a whole.

Interestingly, not everyone is willing to label this as genuine transformation. People who matter – namely Pakistanis in and outside the country – often take disparaging positions on the subject. An Abu Dhabi taxi driver who hails from Swat valley paints a completely different picture from that of a Karachiite IT professional working in Dubai Media City.

One such individual says the rise of Imran is ‘escapism’ on a mass scale. Expecting an ‘elitist’ like him to change things is superficial, even idealistic, way of looking at the state of affairs in Pakistan. The argument is that Imran only promises to be a messiah and doesn’t have the wherewithal to become one.

The bottom line is that a lot of Pakistanis still do not see Imran’s upsurge as change, a positive one at that, and unless a majority believes in this change, it is going to be a futile exercise. There are bound to be differences of opinion but stakeholders must see change as a necessity and not necessarily as a means to an end. Pontification apart, outside perspective on Pakistan will always be interesting because it will reflect what the country should be instead of what it really is and is going to be. Unfortunately, the response usually ranges from the sublime to the ridiculous and is seldom a balanced one.

Imran is not making waves as a run-of-the-mill politician. Far from it, he is promising change in Pakistan and change doesn’t come easy. There is a natural resistance to such transformation, especially in a country where change has meant military rule or martial law. Imran is bound to make mistakes in the process but by putting faith in him the country would have at least tried and failed instead of reposing faith in those who breed inequality and deliver squalor.

Filed under: cricket, Democracy, Pakistan, Pakistan Cricket, Pakistanis Tagged: Asif Ali Zardari, cricket, Imran Khan, Pakistan, Pakistan Elections, Pakistani Cricket, Pakistani Politics, Pervez Musharraf, PPP, PTI

Syndicated from: Pakistanis for Peace

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Stay in your limits, general

Posted on 12 January 2012 by Tea Server

“Can’t say anything to the military, that’s treason; can’t say anything to the judiciary, that’s contempt of court; can’t say anything to the Mullahs, that’s blasphemy; but the Prime Minister, President and Parliament, let’s lynch them because it is our democratic right.”

Or so read the Facebook statuses of thousands of Pakistanis. And apparently also on Twitter. So why is everybody being so queasy about treason and contempt of court and blasphemy? Well that’s because the lot of Pakistanis with some common sense and rationality are increasingly being cornered with no way.

PM Gilani in an interview to a Chinese daily hinted that the replies filed by the Chief of Army Staff General Kayani and the Director General ISI General Pasha were unconstitutional and held no legal merit. He of course forgot that they were both respondents who were served notices by the court directly and then had to reply to the court with or without Gilani’s approval.

Now we know that Gilani is not a very clever man and doesn’t think things through properly. But we have been led to believe like the little black sheep who only bleat and follow whatever comes in their way, that Kayani is super perfect and that he has Kim Jong Il type powers of awesomeness. In addition we have also been told rather repeatedly that because Kayani is so perfect, he can never do any wrong. Oh how sorry were we.

You see in response to Gilani’s rather stupid hinting capabilities, Kayani hit back at the “civilian democracy” in the place where it hurts the most. Kayani via an army statement said that Gilani’s statement could have “serious ramifications” for Pakistan. But hold your horses! He further goes onto threaten the civilian baddies with “potential grievous consequences for the country.”

As a citizen of this poor, shunned, brow beaten shell of a country that this once was, I stand hurt and well mighty damn angry. How dare Kayani who is nothing more than a grade 22 officer threaten the democratic institutions of Pakistan? Who does he think he is? Does he think he is God (naaoozubillah)? Does he have a magic wand that he will wave and make the problems of Pakistan go away? Oh wait. That can’t be it because he was asleep in his king size bed at home when Pakistan’s sovereignty was raped for 2 whole goddamn hours on May the 2nd!

It pains me, disgusts me and shames me that even now there are people in this country who support a martial law imposition; who think Kayani coming to the helm of affairs will fix everything. Well let me just bust your bubble: It will not. The favourite argument of these self professed cleansers of Pakistan is that because Zardari is corrupt, he has done corruption. Because he has done corruption, his whole party has done corruption. Because PPP has done corruption, the army needs to come to fix everything. Wrong!

So Zardari is corrupt and Gilani is stupid and Firdaus Ashiq Awan is an affront to the intelligence of women, the fact of the matter is they are only criticised because there are no “ramifications”. Because criticizing them will not land you in jail, or your deathbed. Let’s talk about another type of corruption today shall we?

Rs 800 billion was allotted to the army last year. Rs 800 billion. Now let’s recount what took place last year. First there were the drone attacks. But it turns out Kayani was hand in glove with the Americans on that one. Let’s all laugh about how stupid we all were for thinking the army was defending the frontier while in fact they were the ones providing spot locations for drone attacks. And lest you forget I’m all for drone strikes to wipe out militants. I’m just amazed at the sheer hypocrisy of those (read: army) who proclaim that the Americans will not be allowed to toy with our sovereignty. What sovereignty do they talk about? But I digress. Then came May the 2nd. A day that will forever go down in history as being the day when Pakistan lost all morality in the comity of nations. Why didn’t our army defend us? Why didn’t our Air force defend us? Why didn’t the army shoot down the raiding American helicopters while they fluttered about in Pakistani airspace for two hours? Why didn’t the army take action when all the action could in fact have been live from the Pakistan Military Academy? Why? And when the civilian baddies tried to fix that (via the Memogate, wrong method but correct intentions) the army just got pissed. What about the navy base attack? When 4 “Star Trek” characters set a whole base on fire and laid siege to it for 16 hours. How incompetent is our army? Even with Rs 800 billion a year in its pockets. And they talk about defeating India in war when can’t even defend their own shoddy selves. Why does no one talk about this corruption?

And lest we forget, yes Kayani is the rat bastard who is responsible for putting this country under the water and making it sink. Now he trespasses the halls of morality but let me jog your memory. In 2007 Musharraf wanted an NRO with Benazir Bhutto. He sent his DG ISI to draft an agreement and get it signed. That agreement was called NRO. And who was that DG ISI, the architect of that agreement? Why yes it was Kayani. Who rules this country behind the facade of Gilani and Zardari? Why it’s Kayani. And who has burnt this country down and sold it to the dogs? Why yes, it is indeed Kayani.

I don’t have a problem with the army, or the soldiers who stand day and night watching these insolent generals who have nothing better to do than to fart all over the destiny of Pakistan. I have a problem with the generals. Making Kayani the chief executive will be the final nail in the Pakistan’s coffin. Let’s make that clear.

So how do we go about sorting through this mess? By letting the PPP complete its 5 years in power. You see we have now seen how inept the PPP has been in power. In the next elections people like me who have never voted before, are going to vote it out of power and vote somebody better in its place and so on and so forth. But instead if Kayani comes to the helm, well then bye bye Pakistan. You were truly loved and you will sorely be missed.

By linking the performance of the governments to the voting process and by empowering the common people, in only 20 years’ time this country will be a much, much better place than it is today. People themselves will see how democracy is a million times better than the army mounting coups. Kayani should not sully the good name of all those nameless soldiers who have died, who stand upright during the night to protect his highness, and who when the time comes become brothers to those Pakistanis who need them. Kayani would be well advised to keep his fantasies to his self. Kayani should stay within his limits.



Syndicated from: The True Perspective

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Musharraf announces to contest election from Chitral

Posted on 09 January 2012 by Tea Server

  PT Report Chitral, January 8: General (r) Pervez Musharraf said that he would contest the the forthcoming elections from Chitral. He made the announcement today while addressing his supporters gathered in Karachi. He thanked MNA Shahzada Muhiuddin and his son Shahzada Pervez for inviting him to contest the election from Chitral. The former dictator who [...]

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Musharraf to return to Pakistan, lead party in polls [Reuters]

Posted on 09 January 2012 by Tea Server

By Faisal Aziz KARACHI | Sun Jan 8, 2012 2:47pm EST (Reuters) – Exiled former president Pervez Musharraf said on Sunday he would return to Pakistan later this month to lead his recently formed party in campaigning for a parliamentary election, despite the possibility of his arrest and concern over his security. “There are efforts to scare me, but these [...]

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Musharraf Announces He Will Return to Pakistan Late This Month

Posted on 09 January 2012 by Tea Server

By Nasir Habib for CNN

Former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf pledged in a speech Sunday to return to his country later this month, despite word from authorities that he will be arrested when he does so.

“I am coming, Pakistan,” Musharraf told thousands of supporters via video link in the southern city of Karachi. “Attempts have been made to scare me, but I am not afraid of anything.”
He pledged to return between January 27 and 30.

When he does, Pakistani officials said, Musharraf will be arrested in connection with the assassination of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007. Chaudhry Zulfiqar Ali, a special public prosecutor in the assassination case, said a Rawalpindi court has already issued an arrest warrant for Musharraf.

“They are bound to execute the order unless a higher court sets aside the orders,” Ali said, adding that Musharraf is accused of conspiring in the assassination.

Musharraf’s attorney, Chaudry Faisal, said the threat of arrest is politically motivated and has no legal bearing. The warrant is being challenged in court, the attorney said.

He described the claim that Musharraf could be arrested at any time upon return as “absurd.” The former president said Sunday that he will return even at the risk of his life.

Musharraf, who resigned in 2008, is expected to fly into Pakistan from the United Arab Emirates later this month, accompanied by up to 500 supporters, said Jawed Siddiqi, spokesman for the former president’s All Pakistan Muslim League party.

“President Musharraf told me that although the possibility of arrest is there — there is no way of knowing what will happen, and how dangerous the situation is, until one jumps into the situation head first,” he said. Elections are set to take place in Pakistan next year; Musharraf intends to run.

On Sunday, he told Pakistanis that other politicians have failed leading the country, but “I succeeded 100%.”

“When I took charge of the country, it was surrounded in huge problems,” he said. “… Today, we have to decide whether we need change or we need the same faces.”

Terrorism in Pakistan, he said, “is at its peak. We are alone in the world.” He said he restored Pakistan’s economic development, increased its global standing and strengthened the armed forces.

Musharraf resigned in 2008 as the country’s ruling coalition began taking steps to impeach him. He was succeeded by Asif Zardari, Bhutto’s widower.
In 2010, the United Nations released a report that said Musharraf’s government had failed to protect Bhutto before her 2007 assassination. Musharraf has rejected such accusations, saying that Bhutto had police protection and took unnecessary risks.

Bhutto’s assassination turned public opinion strongly against Musharraf in 2008 and led to his resignation and self-exile in London. In 2010, Musharraf said the timing of his return to Pakistan would depend on the environment there.

“My going back is dependent, certainly, on an environment to be created in Pakistan and also, I would say, with certainty, that whenever the signs of the next election comes up, I will be there in Pakistan,” he said.

Filed under: Afghanistan, Democracy, Freedoms, Pakistan, Pakistan Army Tagged: All Pakistan Muslim League, Benazir Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto’s assassination, Pakistan, Pakistanis, Pervez Musharraf, President Asif Ali Zardari, United Nations

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Pervez Musharraf to Announce Date for Return to Pakistan

Posted on 08 January 2012 by Tea Server

By Duncan Gardham for The Telegraph

Mr Musharraf will announce his intention to return from London where has been living in exile despite facing arrest on treason charges. “His return will be announced by video link at a rally in Karachi on Sunday,” a source close to the former president told the Daily Telegraph.

He is planning to fly back to Pakistan by the end of January, plunging himself into a political crisis amid reports of an early general election and rumors the military is on the brink of mounting a coup.

The government and army are at loggerhead trading allegations over a memo allegedly sent to US military chiefs by senior officials asking for support to reduce military influence. Yusuf Gilani, the country’s prime minister, has said publicly Pakistan’s generals are behaving as though they were a “state within a state”.

As rumours of a coup gathered speed, Asif Zardari, the country’s president, has been forced to fly back to Pakistan from Dubai where he was receiving treatment for “stroke-like symptoms”.

General Ashfaq Kayani, the head of the Pakistan army, rejected coup claims, insisting the army would “continue to support the democratic process”.
However the military distrusts both Mr Zardari and the rival Pakistan Muslim League-N, headed by Nawaz Sharif, the prime minister deposed by Mr Musharraf.

Political analysts believe the army command want to back an outside campaign in the elections but it is unclear if Mr Musharraf fits the bill.
While there has been some support to “bring back the general,” Mr Musharraf was deeply unpopular by the time he was forced out of power four years ago.

In order to stage a return he would need political support from Middle Eastern countries to help persuade the government to drop the charges against
him.

However, there have been reports that the army is backing Imran Khan, the former Pakistan cricket captain who leads Tehreek-e-Insaf [the Movement for Justice] and has staged a series of popular rallies.

Mr Khan is a former supporter of Mr Musharraf who has since become one of his fiercest critics. Ahmed Rashid, a political commentator, said the country was facing a “multi-faceted crisis”, particularly with the economy, but he doubted Mr Musharraf could make a comeback. “I don’t think he has enough people supporting him and he would probably be arrested,” he said.

Mr Musharraf launched his own political party, the All Pakistan Muslim League, in London in June 2010 and told the Daily Telegraph last year: “Pakistan is suffering. The people are extremely alive now that something has to be done in Pakistan. The youth is alive, the educated middle class is alive, they are in a state of shock and dismay over the governance in Pakistan.”

He promised a party that was “capable, viable, honest and deliverable internationally.” “I am a person who believes if I try and if I’m failing, I will quit,” he added. “I have no qualms and no ego. I have governed Pakistan for nine years, very successfully and I have no further ambitions, personal ambitions, my ambition is Pakistan.” But it is unlikely that Mr Musharraf would be able to claim victory on his own and he admitted: “I am trying to create an entity which can be the third political alternative, whether alone or in coalition with some other like-minded parties.” Mr Zardari took over from Mr Musharraf as the country’s first elected leader in nine years following the assassination of his wife, Benazir Bhutto in December 2007.

However his party, the Pakistan People’s Party, has become increasingly unpopular as Pakistan faces a economic depression and copes with one crisis after another. The next government is likely to be decided by smaller parties and Mr Musharraf could play a crucial role in that decision.

Filed under: Democracy, Freedoms, Pakistan, Pakistanis Tagged: Asif Ali Zardari, Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan, Pakistan Muslim League-N, Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, Pakistanis, Pervez Musharraf, PPP, PTI

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Pakistan Civilian-Military Relations

Posted on 06 January 2012 by Tea Server

According to an apocryphal story, immediately after General Pervez Musharraf launched his infamous Kargil offensive, the Indian Prime Minister contacted Mr. Nawaz Sharif, then Prime Minister of Pakistan.

“Mian Sahib” asked the Indian PM, “What are you doing to us? Why has your army launched an offensive in Kargil?”

“Let me ask my generals and then I will get back to you,” replied Nawaz Sharif

“That is the difference between you and us, Mian sahib; we don’t ask our generals, they ask us before they do anything” is said to have been the Indian PM’s reply.

This story, often repeated in the streets of Pakistan, is also a sort of popular self-awareness of how things stand in Pakistan when it comes to civil-military relationships.

In the military circles, of which I was a part for fourteen years of my life, the civilian administration is always seen as corrupt and inefficient. This view is, of course, partially true especially if one compares the two systems without incorporating their attendant peculiarities. It is easy to be professional and efficient in the military: everyone is trained to do their job and there is an established hierarchy of rank structure buttressed by an uninterrupted history of functionality as an institution. Furthermore, the military leaders only have to deal with highly indoctrinated troops who, being soldiers, have no right to any kind of free will or civic rights. It is easy to command and manage a captive audience.

Our civilian systems, however, neither have a continuous history of functionality nor do they comprise a system in which the hierarchy is clearly established and articulated. Because of various martial laws and other military interventions neither the people nor the so-called leaders have truly learned the ethics and politics of public political life. Resultantly, most of our politicians see their offices as a path to self-agrrandization and have no qualms about using their influence to enrich themselves. Since the system is unstable, the politicians’ psyche is connected to short-term goals. So, instead of refining their message and streamlining a long-term, people-oriented politics, our politicians are more focused on the short-term goals. If the threat of military take-overs had been eliminated, just like the Indians did, then over the last sixty years we would have also developed a more responsive and transparent system of politics and governance.

Pakistan is also still burdened with a medieval system of production in which the large landholders still rely on captive labor to continue reproducing the inequalities that we inherited at the time of the partition. How is the army to blame for this? Quite simply, one look at who did the military mobilize during their regimes will be a good answer: Ayub Khan relied on some heavy weights of Pakistani feudality and Zia-ul-Haq, despite his pseudo-Islamic policies, also worked through the same ”notables” in all regions of Pakistan. Mr. Musharraf, notwithstanding his pronounced liberalism, also worked with cahudries of Gujraat and other such parasites to keep his regime functional. In the entire thirty or so years of the aggregated military rule, not even one of them even hinted at land reforms or tried to disrupt this unjust, unequal system of wealth distribution. In fact, by supporting the zamindars and the waderas, the military has provided them new inroads into the nation’s politics: pretty much all major parties now field feudal candidates from the rural heart of Pakistan, candidates who are basically there to safeguard their own interests and to maintain the status quo.

It is often declared that without the army, Pakistan will disintegrate as a nation. Maybe, that is partially true as a functional national government does need a strong and established armed force to maintain order within its borders, to provide emergency relief, and to also safeguard against foreign aggression. But a deeper look at our system suggests that military itself has become the main cause of Pakistan’s instability and bleak future. This isn’t something new; one look at human history is enough to prove that eventually it is always the high military expenditure that brings nations and empires down. At the height of its power, the Roman Empire relied heavily on the Roman legions for the expansion of empire. But in the end the legions themselves became too expansive to maintain and thus became the cause of the failure of empire. Same happed to the Soviet Union. We are headed the same way. We all know that we cannot afford to spend so much on the military but we must, as our politicians neither have the courage nor the popular support to reign in the military elite.

The civil military relationships in Pakistan, therefore, are a symptom of a nation gone wrong, a nation in which people are still living in squalor while their leaders and their generals live like kings.

It is quite obvious that our politicians are mostly corrupt and probably do not care about the people, but part of this apathy is systemic: if the politicians are in it for the short term and do not have to worry about their long term obligations to their constituents, then the system does not force them to become more receptive to popular demands. The generals, on the other hand, have no reason to pander to the people especially if they can continuously rely on popular distrust of the politicians and a constant invocation of outside threats. The result of this military civilian symbiotic relationship is that Pakistan has increasingly become a dysfunctional state in which might is right and the only way to make ourselves look better is to keep deriding other nations.

Rise of Islamic fundamentalism is a direct result of, among other things, the unequal and unjust society that the army and the politicians have constructed over the years. Think of it this way: if you feel powerless and silenced with no recourse to a functional justice system or a vibrant social system, then you will sign up with anyone who promises to literally restructure the entire socio-economic edifice. The left in Pakistan has never been able to promise such an upheaval: in fact, the Pakistani left, whatever is left of it, has itself become an elitist pursuit by some real and mostly pseudo intellectuals whose political alignment is mostly with the feudal or industrial bourgeoisie. In such a scenario, only the most fundamentalist mullahs can mobilize the people as they can, at the end of the day, at least promise revolutionary change.

In wake of the recent Memogate scandal and other national debacles, it has become evident that the interest of the army and those of our politically elected leaders are on a divergent course. Yes, we need the armed forces: at least, they provide employment for hundreds of thousands of Pakistanis directly and indirectly. But we need an army that knows that it is one tool in the hands of popularly elected governments, an army that enables Pakistan to become a viable, pluralistic democracy.

Our politicians also need to learn that they are servants of their people and unless they internalize this core principle, they will continue the inane and self-serving politics that has now made them a joke in the region as well as in the world.

If the present government finishes its term, ineffective as it maybe as a government, it will be the first popularly elected government to do so in my entire lifetime. So, yes, their corruption and failure notwithstanding, let us aid and help this government so that we can have another and yet another popularly elected government. A functioning system of politics is the only way for Pakistan to become a viable nation and for that to happen, the Pakistan army will have to learn to think of itself as an instrument of Pakistani state and the generals will have to learn to be servants of their people: Yes, the very people whose poverty and suffering underwrites the privileges that our generals enjoy as their rights.

(Also published by Viewpoint Online)

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Internet Activism in Pakistan: A Brief Analysis

Posted on 30 December 2011 by Tea Server

Preamble:
Everysphere of human life and communication is undergoing alteration, transformationand modernization with the advent of the Information and CommunicationTechnologies (ICTs), commonly defined as a tool used in creation, processing,transferring and sharing of information. The ICTs have proven to beindispensible tools for not just the human development but also fightingagainst the poverty, injustice and transforming the economic, social andpolitical spheres alike. They have changed the course of human developmentproviding unprecedented opportunity by penetrating into activities outside the‘production’; reshaping the markets, leisure time, access of information andservices etc while developing a strong sense of democracy.
ModernICTs include World Wide Web, Internet, E-mail, software applications, cellphone, video conferencing etc. (Bergh & McKenna, 2004). However, thediffusion and spread of the ICT worldwide has been receiving a mixed response,creating a digital divide. Digital divide in simple words would be theinequality of ICT utilization (Evers & Greke, 2004).  The term Digital Divide is a new name givento the information haves and have-nots used for the preceding generation. It isgap assumed to exist between people having access to the modern informationtechnology and those to whom it is not accessible, between developed anddeveloping or under-developed countries, males and females, rural and urbanetc.
TheCivil Society is denied the effective utilizing of ICT due to lack of requiredinfrastructure, lack of open source tools, dearth of trained IT professionals,inaccessibility of ICT to general population, and the effects of onlineinitiatives in reality etc… This paper is attempting to investigate the utilizationof ICT with a perspective of an alternative option for disseminatinginformation and mobilizing the civil society in Pakistan.
Theuse of the ICT’s World Wide Web, in particular the social media; twitter andfacebook, cell phones and SMS have demonstrated an interdependence andinter-relation with digital technology and new media at an international level,and have also resulted in enhancement of interest in the social movementtheory. The ways in which ICTs are utilized and understood are being changed byemerging social movements. According to Goodwin and Jasper (2003, p.7),“research on social movements will undoubtedly continue to evolve as socialmovements themselves evolve.”
            For the purpose of definition, wemay refer to social change as a process that brings about a transformation insocial, political, and economic power structure in a society. It may not be forpoor, or positive for that matter, and depends on individual politicalperceptions. However, the pro-poor process of social transformation will be theone that results in a more even power & resource distribution in thesociety ensuring basic civil rights for the people and enabling the stateinstitutions to provide protection to those fundamental rights. 
The followingdiscussion is a preliminary effort at framing the debate around the need ofresearching the use of ICTs by the civil society in Pakistan; a generalunderstanding of the situation concerning a digital divide that may, or may notexists as a result of the utilization of ICT as an alternative landscape. Anattempt shall also be made to answer the questions like how ICTs are being usedby Pakistan’s civil society for mobilizing the masses, and the effectiveness ofthe mobilization of masses through internet in the Pakistani political andcultural arena. Also how can the utilization of ICT’s help increase thetransformative nature of their work that can trigger long-term social change inthe country.
Social Movementsa Historical View:

Before,delving into the discussion of the power the present day ICT’s enjoys and itsorganization of social movements a historical summary of social movements willhelp us understand the subject at hand better.
Itis a tough task even difficult to achieve with the help of documentation takingplace over a century to define social movements in terms of what they are, howthey play a part in organizing for mobilization of people and resources, and inwhat ways social movements culminate. However, taking up Goodwin and Jasper(2003, p. 4), definition for social movements can bring us closer to achievethe task; social movements are a “complex sets of groups, organizations, andactions that may have different goals as well as different strategies forreaching their aims… [and can help] comprehend human diversity.” Also, socialmovements “are a main source of political conflict and change” (Giugni, 1999,p. xx).
“Untilthe 1960s, most scholars who studied social movements were frightened of them.They saw them as dangerous mobs who acted irrationally [...]” (Goodwin &Jasper 2003, p. 5). The economic turnaround of 1965 resulted in a change inthis perception when the elite and the powerful themselves startedparticipating in social movements. During the decade of seventies, noteworthytheories were proposed and were termed as the resource mobilization (RM)theory. (Goodwin & Jasper, 2003, p. 6) According to Buechler (1993, p.193), RM has been “[...] the dominant theoretical framework for analyzingsocial movements and collective action within the discipline of sociology.” (p.200) also comments that this theory ignores the macro-level social structure aswell as individual motivation, and focuses only on the organizational analysisat meso-level, which is its major short-coming. The social movements startedshowing political glimpses and involvement of state-actors, giving shape to thepolitical process (PP) model, proposing that elites belonging toinstitutionalized organizations and opportunities provided by the state giverise to the social movements. It is influenced by Marxist theory in some ways.As McAdam (1997, p. 172) comments, they are political phenomena and must beevaluated as a “continuous process from generation to decline.” Munson (2001),while discussing the opportunities concept states that the PP “[...] modelsuggests that mobilization can take place only under favourable politicalconditions and focuses on the relationship between social movements andpolitical institutions to understand movement mobilization.”
            The social movement theory wentthrough a cultural shift during the 1980s, and challenges were thrown at PP andRM theories on the pretext that these while taking into account organizationand resources, do not consider the role that culture plays in collectiveaction. This resulted in a reaction from the social movement academicians which in every sense was an indicator of the paradigmshift to cultural from structural analysis of collective action (Tarrow,1998). 
Constructivistand post-modern theories made an impact on models like the new social movementtheory, proposed by Jamison and Eyerman (1997) mainly focusing on interactionand communication amongst individuals and in the society, while approaching theissues of transformation and development. Jamison and Eyerman (1997, p. 251)consider social movements as producers of knowledge. The idea of collectiveaction as proposed by the new social movement theory, suggests that it may“fill gaps in resource mobilization and political process accounts of theemergence, trajectories, and impacts of social movements.” (Polletta &Jasper, 2001).
Ina postmodern world, social change theories are needed to grasp and understandthe subtext and analyse the other side of the story not presented by themainstream corporate media, as it is marred by the capitalist ideologypresenting only the story of a global capitalism, an economic system andhegemonic triumph. These social change theories help us answer pertinentquestion related to why individuals organize in groups and follow a certaingoal or objective which can alter the society. It is important to ask thesequestions, but, posing questions in a systematicmanner is extremely critical. The social change theories serve as guides toboth the policy creators and professionals.
 Social change theories are a progressiontowards the transformation of the power relations, appearing either naturallyor through a collective effort developed in resistance to oppression. It wasduring the eighteenth century when many a social movements raised their headscreating ripples through history by changing the course of individualinteraction with power. This interaction has impacted the modern world and hadengaged individual in a political process to carve a meaningful and effectiveway to resist oppression. The concept of political economy was not directlyassociated to the field of communications initially until Harold Innis, Adornoand Horkheimer’s work elaborated and put forth the concepts of ‘monopolies ofknowledge’ and ‘culture industry’ respectively; producing mass deception andcontrol of certain social groups over the means of communication.
            The factorsinvolved in the societal change are generally identified as politicalinfluences: associated with the state; cultural influences: changing ourattitudes and behaviour affecting the value systems and social structures(Giddens and Duneier, 2000); and the economic influences; based on the Marxiananalysis of the dialectical relation of the economic base and superstructure.However, at an individual level Becker (2001) points out, that a behavioural change may occur through a positiveintention and commitment only. Although to practice this positive change inbehaviour the environmental constraints have to be at bare minimum, personalstandard and self image to be maintained and the advantages of the outcomeshould outweigh the disadvantages (Backer, 2001).
What conditionsfoster social movements and social change has been a point at debate for yearsnow. Although one thing is certain, groups play an important role in eitherencouraging or discouraging the social change and the social movements. Marxalleged that social movements or revolution are a result of opposition andinexplicable economic and other social tensions in a society. Revolutions didnot happen in all advanced industrial society as Marx predicted. On thecontrary, theories suggest that social uproar has more chances of occurring insocieties with improving living conditions leading to higher individualexpectations, and not in those which are poverty-ridden. In other words,relative deprivation results in social movements (Davies, 1962).  
When people donot have any institutionalized means of raising their voice, or when governmentoppression is present curbing the public opinion, collective action and ofsocial mobilization are the by-products. The operation of social controldetermines the way in which a social movement develops. Tourine (1977, 1981)suggests that social movements may not necessarily be the responses tosituations, but may result as an abrupt or spontaneous effort to bring aboutthe social change. Thus he suggests that promoting the idea of social activismand its interaction with social movement is more important.
Thesocial movement theories were traditionally viewed with a Marxian perspectiveof a class bias, however, during recent times, a paradigm shift triggered thiscollective action from a cultural standpoint. Before addressing the genesis andanalyzing the paradigm shift of the social movement theory from a structural toa cultural perspective, it is apt to define the term globalization here.
Theterm Globalisation has become an all encompassing paradigm for the socialsciences; however the available literature on globalisation suggests that theterm has to have acquired certain imperialistic characteristics. Scholars andacademics alike for years have added their own perspectives to define the term,however here we will flesh out only those which serves our topic the most. Beckdefined globalization as a “processes through which sovereign national statesare criss-crossed and undermined by transnational actors with varying prospectsof power, orientations, identities and networks” (2003, p. 11). Smith (2000)added the political, societal, and economic relation perspectives to theprocess of globalization. However the understanding of globalization aspresented by Appadurai’s (1996) is the most relevant here. It considers theprocess to be an inter-societal relationship facilitated by the electronicmedia and the global mobility, which “transforms pre-existing worlds ofcommunication and conduct”, creating “diasporic public spheres, a phenomenathat confound theories that depend on the continued salience of thenation-state as the key arbiter of important social changes” (p. 4).
Tarrow(1998) points out that it’s also the facilitation of globalization of protestand not only the globalization of capital, providing a subsequent boost to thetransnational collective action. Although there is no denying that globalizationis both dominating and exploitative and has served the interests of the anelite minority, yet the “new information technologies [...] appear not just asinstruments for the circulation of commodities, but simultaneously as channelsfor the circulation of struggles” (Dyer Witheford, 1999, p. 128).
The New Social Movement Theory:

The research on social movements increased its scope during the 21stcentury to include the analysis of collective activism at a global level. Atthat point in time, the frameworks of social networks were included in theresearch to help explain the development of social movements. As argued byLangman (2005), the emergence of ICT has resulted in rise of different and newkinds of social movements. The rapid emergence and magnitude of “virtual publicspheres” and “internet-oriented social movements” has given rise to new querieswarranting a revisit of the social movement theory.
Ithas been seen over years that the key to success for the social movement liesin the process of mobilization of the masses. Although, informationdissemination and communication are the two integral parts of the process tobring about the change, organization, mobilization of resources, commoninterests, and opportunity are the rest of the integral ingredients needed tomobilize groups for collective action. Tilly (1978). However, unlessfacilitated by leadership, uninterrupted communication, availability of fundsand material resources, even these four essential conditions may not guaranteea social movement.
The development of socialmovement theory travelled a trajectory from the structural to cultural analysiswhere the concept of culture is utilized as an analytical and theoretical tool.Activist used this tool to investigate the collective action of the societymediated through culture made the activist turn to “identity politics.” Scholars increasingly amongst the activists, concernedwith identity got involved with all facets of culture. This shiftdenotes two distinctive standpoints, the political activism which seeks tobring about a change at the structural level and activism with the subjectiveexperience of an individual in the world as its prime focus. Although focusingon identity primarily has raised question from scholars in class and powerstructures context.
As discussed above in the paper,to bring about a social change human agency either in an individual orcollective form is the key. In the modern era, or the network society socialidentity and identity based movements are the new mantra. Identity is both ahistorical and cultural phenomenon which rises to the centre stage in a networksociety for the development of social change. Castells’ sees the identity’srole in development of the society instead of considering it just as a form ofa consequential tradition in a Marxist world. Castells’ proposed that identitybuilding is a dynamic process and proposed that “who[ever] constructs collectiveidentity, and for what, largely determines the symbolic content of thisidentity, and its meaning for those identifying with it or placing themselvesoutside of it” (Castells’, 1997, p. 7).
He goes on to identify identitiesto be of three types; legitimizing, resistance, and project identity. However,for the purpose of this paper we will briefly discuss the resistance identityonly, but later elaborate on it with the help of an example.

ResistanceIdentity:

Resistance identity is a grassroot level collective identity formation extended by those social actors whoare being excluded by the civil society and other dominant institutions of thesociety. These communes bring together the excluded and the denounced to gain acollective experience as a survival strategy amidst otherwise intolerablecondition of oppression. The communities formed as a result of the resistanceidentity do not mobilize within the parameters of the civil society, but remainmarginalized and pronounced ‘the others’ (Castells’, 1997, p. 10-12). Thesecommunities are formed around a common meaning and are probably the mostdominant identities of our times which provide an opportunity toindividuals who shares social experience to process their thoughts towards newsocial utopias and strategies.
These communities originatingfrom grass root level do not just stop here as fragments of the society but,they become a force that transform the society. However, what conditionsaggravate these transformations is a question which Castells’ tries to answer.Castells’ observes that these resistance based communities cannot mobilizeunless they create a network of their own and then become a network themselves.This serves not only as a precondition to survive and cooperate within thecommunities serving towards achieving the same goal, but also as a necessity tooperate in a virtual media. As Castells’ points out that power in the networkedsociety is due to its diffused hierarchical architecture is not something whichthe social actors have to struggle for as rigorously as in the traditionalsetups.
Social development cannot comeabout without the support of a sound technological infrastructure, thus bothbeing inseparable. Castells’ (1996) in support of the social changes andtechnological changes argue: “since technology is society and societycannot be understood or represented without its technological tools” (p.5).

Entering Networks:

The network society emerges when theglobal information capitalism met the new technological revolution to becomesocially organized and a flow and transaction of information, wealth andculture takes place in real time between nation states superseding theirsovereignty.
McAdam(1997, p. 179) observes, “the ability of insurgents to generate a socialmovement is ultimately dependent on the presence of an indigenous’infrastructure’ that can be used to link members of the aggrieved populationinto an organized campaign of mass political action.” Nonetheless, we would notbe under-stating the facts by saying that the social networks are theinfrastructure, which act as the foundation for a new political agency(Marchetti & Pianta, 2006).
Aredefinition of the social movements from a network perspective would be:“[S]ocial movements are represented by campaigns run by civil societyorganizations, and a social movement could be defined as ‘a network of informalinteractions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations,engaged in a political or cultural conflict, on the basis of a sharedcollective identity.”’ (Steve Wright as cited in Saeed, Rohde & Wulf 2008).
Passyand Giugni (2001) found that networks accomplish three tasks for socialmovements. First they connect prospective participants structurally to anopportunity to take part. The participants are socialized to an issue forprotest. And in the end, a participant finally decides to participate.According to Tilly (2003, p. 8) suggests that, “compared [to] the 20th century,internationally organized networks of activists, international non-governmentalorganizations, and internationally visible targets such as multinationalcorporations and international financial institutions all figure moreprominently in recent social movements”.
Networksare an essential part of how the global justice movements and contemporaryactivism organize and unfolds themselves. An important part of the globaljustice movements are transnational advocacy networks, which albeit workinternationally on common projects and issues yet share common values anddiscourse (Keck & Sekkink, 1998). The purpose of these networks is toprovide an alternative channel for communication and “mobilize informationstrategically to help create new issues and categories and to persuade, pressure,and gain leverage over much more powerful organizations and governments” (p.2).
Social Movementsand ICT’s:

Technology hasplayed a vital role in the mobilization process (Donk et al, 2004) with printmedia used as a main tool for the dissemination of information in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and radio and television broadcasting isassociated with the twentieth century (Langman, 2005). ICTs brought with it newforms of communication such as SMS, Emails, online advocacy and petitioncampaigns which not just helped further the mobilization process (Surman &Reilly, 2003)  but also helped with themagnitude and speed (Diani, 2000). However, the actual impact of these virtualactivities prescribed through in a virtual sphere may not hold much credencedue of lack of achieving the intended purpose (Diani, 2000).
The socialmovements are computer mediated communication dependent on huge networksinstrumental in bringing about the social change. The sparks of virtualresistance were first recorded in 1998 as a conflict between an internet basedcompany and Multilateral Agreement in Investment (MAI) which although turnedout as a failure then, due to various political reasons, but scholarsconcluded, social groups armed with internet technology can carry outsuccessful protests (Aelstand et al, 2004). Later in the early 1990s, theZapatista movement were amongst the initial social movements utilizing theinternet. These were followed by protests against WTO in Seattle and Genoataking place in 1999, which was hugely supported by ICTs like short messageservice (SMS) and emails, resulting in mobilization of a successful protestthrough internet for the first time (Langman, 2005). Today, internet has ahistory of almost 7 years of successful mass mobilization and informationdisbursement.
Thesedevelopments, led the scholars to look into how and in what ways the ICT’s areused, how cyber activism plays a role in this movement for peace, and howtechnology and mass communication are being utilized as a tool for mobilizationby modern-day social movements.
Internet isalthough considered as an informal, unstructured and decentralized organizationyet has resulted in a significant power-relations restructuring sometimes by(McAdam, 1997, p. 178) reversing those power relations. Internet apparentlybrings up a new type of public sphere making the chances of restricting accessand resources comparatively less. As argued by McAdam (1997, p. 180), thestrength and breadth of a communication network broadly decides the pace,pattern, and scope of expansion of a movement. The emergence of socialnetworking sites like Facebook and spread of instant messaging etc has seendevelopment and spread of resources that meet those requirements. According toSaeed, Rohde, and Wulf (2008), “ICTs have tremendous potential to serve astools for information dissemination and organizing protest along withtraditional mobilization methodologies for social movements.” Civilsocieties in developing countries have clearly started to be transformedthrough the impact of ICTs and effects show the much needed transformationthrough radical changes are taking place creating new opportunities.

Civil Society inPakistan:

            The progress of Pakistani governmentfalls short of its own policy targets when it comes to progressing in humandevelopment and providing sufficiently for the basic survival indicators. Thishas resulted in emergence of a conscious and active civil society disappointedwith the state and taking charge of uplifting and transforming the situation intheir country. In generic terms, the civil society refers to formal or informalcitizen groups, networks and initiatives appearing in the context of social, cultural,and economic arenas. The limited utilization of information technology by thecivil society in Pakistan can be gauged by the fact that most of theorganizations are yet to have an active websites. The campaigns started by thecivil society usually represent initiation of a social movement, which can bedefined as “a network of informal interactions between a plurality ofindividuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in a political or culturalconflict, on the basis of a shared collective identity.” (Wright, 2004). A hostof problems including social, economic, political and those related to theissues of governance pose threat to the country, indicating an immediate needof an effective advocacy movement by the civil society for promoting economic &social justice in Pakistan. Considering the increasing incidences of terrorismlimiting the possibility of ground-level activism, the ICTs can become a viableand effective alternative.

ICT Infrastructure in Pakistan:

Understandingfacts such as literacy rates and elements of infrastructure before we make anattempt at determining the impact of cyber-culture in the country is pertinent.Pakistan is a country which is home to around 170 million people. The literacyrate is 69% for men and 45% for women and is continuously growing according toPakistan Economic Survey of 2009-2010. The penetration of cellular phones now stands at a staggering 97.2million in 2010, which is much more than 50% of population according toPakistan Telecommunication Authority. With the commencement of a project in 1993 called SDNPK (SustainableDevelopment Networking Program) in Islamabad, funded by UNDP witnessed thebeginning of internet in the country. The primary objective of such aninitiation was to extend email services to the people providing support toprojects related to sustainable development, NGOs and others. The birth ofinternet industry in Pakistan was marked by the launch of online internetservice by DIGICOM in Karachi in 1994-95. In 2008, PTA reported 22 millioninternet users in Pakistan, out of which 14 million are connected to broadbandconnections. Ninety percent of people who use internet in Pakistan live in themajor towns, though it is rapidly penetrating to smaller towns as well. Thereare now 128 active ISPs (Internet Service Providers) in Pakistan.

Digital Dividein Pakistani Civil Society:

The emergence ofinformation technology has revolutionized the life in Pakistan like the rest ofthe world. Having said that, a deeper analysis reveals an important issue whichprevents the benefits of IT from reaching large strata of population, and thatissue is what we call a digital divide. Although the internet connections inPakistan have increased from 133,000 in the year 2000 to 18,500,000 in the year2010 representing 10% penetration, but is that growth evenly diffused acrosspopulation? This is something which would provide a solid ground to assess thepossible impact especially in terms of social development and social movementsin the country. On the face of it, we come across Pakistani commercialorganization boasting state-of-the-art websites, corporate blogs, Facebookgroups/pages, and personalized emails for employees indicating a major role ITis playing in the functioning of those outfits. However, there are many moreorganizations which are lagging far behind in utilizing the fascinatingbenefits IT offers. This again represents the digital divide we would like tounderstand.
This issue wastaken up in a ground-breaking study (Saeed, Rohde, Wolf University of Siegen,Germany), which analyzed the use of IT in Pakistani civil society. Theresearcher chose to work on the civil society in view of the important partinformation technology plays in their functioning. To make their analysisobjective and empirical, they selected 15 NGOs from less developed areas in allthe four provinces of Pakistan. A survey was conducted to gain insights, andthe findings this study revealed shed light on the issue we are discussing.
Let us firsthave a look at the key findings before we can get to a position of drawingconclusions:
·        Eightout of fifteen sample organizations did not employ an IT professional.
·        Eightorganizations had zero or negligible budget for IT.
·        Noneof the organizations had a formal mailing list, which is so crucial consideringthe importance of people mobilization in operations of an NGO.
·        Nineorganizations did not have their own website and out of those who had, only onewas updated regularly.
·        Onlyone organization was doing online campaigning.
·        Oneorganization was utilizing social media.
·        Oneorganization was maintaining online volunteers’ database.
·        Oneorganization was using options like video conferencing etc. to connect to donoragencies while the rest at the best were using emails to communicate to them.
·        Sixout of fifteen organizations utilized emails to communicate to governmentfunctionaries, which also reflect the state of government departments in termsof IT usage.
The above factsclearly indicate that with all the IT explosion we witness at the surface, deepdown there is a large segment of the society, which is nowhere in sight ofmaking use of the information technology like it is meant to be.
The main reasonsfor this digital divide as described by the study are dearth of trainedprofessionals, and lack of financial resources. It must also have something towith willingness of the decision-makers but we cannot undermine the importanceof the two responsible factors identified by the researchers.
If we attempt totake leads from this insightful study, there seems to be a clear need ofgovernment intervention at the policy level. Actions are required to make thediffusion of technology more uniform, initiate projects leading to lower costof hardware and software, public/private partnerships on educational front, andincentives for small to medium size organizations, both commercial andnon-profit sector to bridge the digital divide and spread the benefits of IT tothe general population uniformly.

            ICTand Social Movement in Pakistan an example:

            Herewe will look into a recent anti-government movement taking place in Pakistan toget a basic impression of the utilization of ICT by the civil society inPakistan. The movement known as the Lawyers movement received participationfrom activists, students, lawyers, politicians, and general public alike. Thisresulted in the declaration of a state of emergency and suspension ofPakistan’s constitution by General Pervez Musharraf, the Chief of Army Staff onNovember 03, 2007. This was followed by initiation of major changes injudiciary and extreme censorship of private news media. The situation pushedthe civil society towards virtual battlefield and the first major movement,which can be termed cyber-activism emerging in Pakistan. The TV channels defiedcensorship by using websites to disseminate information and also to broadcastnews and video footage. Social networking websites like Facebook and Orkut werewidely utilized to mobilize public. The footage of organized protests anddiscussions was widely uploaded at YouTube and Google Videos. Bulk emails,online petitions, tweets, SMS, and blogs were widely used as well forcoordination and disseminating information. Government attempted to block thewebsites but the public resorted to the use of free online anonymizer tools tokeep accessing the sites. (Yusuf, 2007).
Although, the above scenario indicates an optimumuse of ICT during this movement, but there is still a need for extensiveresearch on the civil society in Pakistan to correctly assess the extent ofparticipation in the virtual domain. Preliminary analysis however indicatesthat the bulk of online resources utilized during this movement was initiatedand managed by Pakistanis living abroad.
Through this example we have seen how the citizenjournalists and advocates of democracy have utilized the new media options anddigital technologies for hyper-local reports and organizing community. Alongwith the developed, the developing and the third world too are not a passiveconsumer market anymore as new media platforms are becoming popular and thecommunication tools are being reinvented to make consumers, the media producersand participants interact online and discuss prevailing issues.
The popularity of new media in Pakistan can howeverbe attributed for a need to have access to information rather than an urge toparticipate. The new media was actually cultivated to bridge the informationgap and keep the news and information flowing when the traditional media facedobstructions. In a way, the survival of old media in Pakistan was helped by thenew media. This process gave rise to a phenomenon through which the informationreaches the audience through conventional, as well as the new media platformwith the use of digital technology so it cannot be censored or tampered by thegovernment. Today with active amateurs and activists, any news items can findit ways to SMS, twitter, YouTube and blogs from mainstream media almostinstantly. However, we would be making a mistake to conclude that digitaltechnology and new media alternatives are confined in their use to onlyinformation dissemination and organizing community by high-profile activistsand educated citizen journalists. In fact, some of the best examples of usingnew media and digital platform are for addressing local issues, and are ad-hoc,adaptive and specific to cultural realities. For example, people now are seenutilizing such options very effectively to either navigate traffic duringmonsoon, informing people in wake of terrorist activities, and otherincidences.
This demonstrates how common men with commitment andwillingness to serve their community can be extremely effective in addressinglocal problems once they lay their hands on the powerful new media and digitaltechnology. The new media and digital technology is becoming so relevant in thesituation prevailing in Pakistan that the digital divide and participation gapis being bridged in unfamiliar and unpredictable, but sustainable ways due tosheer pervasiveness. We can confidently anticipate that this rapid emergence ofnew media and digital technology in developing countries like Pakistan willsoon lead to development of new tools and interfaces in local languages andwith greater relevance in local culture, which will in turn, surely increasethe participation from general public, and will result in networking, communitymobilization, and activism in virtual sphere like never before. Although theneed for further research about the extent of public participation by peoplebased in Pakistan and the underlying patterns should not be ignored. Anotherfactors requiring investigation is that whether the emergence of cyber activismis actually strengthening the civil society, or is leaving out a major part ofpopulation that resides in rural areas and is largely not a part of thecyber-world. The socio-economic background and dimensions of a region cannot beignored while evaluating the impact on the real life by the movements takingplace online. And most importantly, how the structure of social movements is affectedby the emergence of digital media is worth researching.

Conclusion:

Keeping the above discussed example in mind, we needto make sure that there is spread of information technology at an affordablecost to the general public. The benefits of which would spread in many ways;for example people can have access to services which improve their productivityand reduce the cost of what they produce, keep themselves aware of thepossibilities emerging in their field of activity, take advantage of online educationaland training possibilities, make their voice reach to a greater audienceregardless of the purpose, make informed decisions, andon the whole be more profitable and gain more return on their investment andefforts.
As discussed above, one of the major determinant ofemergence and success of ICT is rapid diffusion of technology across thepopulation. However certain work needs to be done in this area and can beachieved by reducing the cost of hardware and connectivity, and developingsoftware in Urdu, which is the National language of Pakistan so as to bridgethe gap that the use of a foreign language creates, special for the populationwhose medium of education hasn’t been English even though they may not beilliterate as such.
Although it is perfectly understandable that if acountry has to buy proprietary software for initialization of IT projects, theprogress will always remain limited. Pakistan now has a large number of privateuniversities offering quality education in computer science and softwaredevelopment, and a campaign at national level, preferably initiated by theMinistry of Communication in line with the national IT objectives can surelygenerate new software and those too in local languages to spread the use ofinternet based technology, which is actually the future of IT. Unless a seriousunderstanding of this issue and determined steps are taken in the rightdirection, we may keep lagging behind in spreading the benefits of IT to ourpeople. However, the unfortunate fact that Pakistan is largely dependent onimported hardware is a major hindrance in the spread of use of personalcomputers. The most useful machine remains unaffordable for the majority ofpopulation, and even the government educational institutions cannot buy enoughdue to limited resources. The sooner Pakistan goes into local manufacturing ofcomputers and software development, the better for the future of utilization ofinformation technology in the country.
References
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Backer, T.E. (2001). Increasingparticipation means changing behavior: What can be learned from behaviouralscience? Grantmakers in the Arts Reader,12(1), 18-22.
Bargh, J. A., & Mckenna, K. Y. A.(2004). The internet and social life, AnnualReview of Psychology, 55, 573-590.
Beck, U. (2003). What isglobalization? (P. Camiller. Trans.). Cambridge, UK:  Polity Press.
Castells, M. (1996). The rise of the network Society, theinformation age: Economy, society and culture. (1st Ed).Cambridge, MA: Oxford, UK: Blackwell
Castells, M. (1997). The power of identity, the information age:Economy, society and culture. (1st Ed). Cambridge, MA: Oxford,UK: Blackwell
Davies, J.C. (1962). Towards atheory of revolution. AmericanSocilogical Review, 27.
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Donk,V.D. W, et al. (2004). Social movements and ICTs In Donk, V.D. W, et al CyberProtest, New Media, Citizens and Social Movements (pp. 1-26). London, UK:Rutledge.
Evers,D. H. and Greke, S. (2004). Closing thedigital divide: Southeast Asia’s path towards a knowledge Society. RetrievedMarch 16 2011, fromhttp://www.ace.lu.se/images/Syd_och_sydostasienstudier/working_papers/evers_gelke.pdf
Giddens,A., Duneier, M. (2000).  Introduction to sociology. (3rd ed). NewYork and London: W.W. Norton and Company,Inc.
Langman,L. (2005a). From virtual public spheres to global justice: A critical theory ofinternet worked Social Movements. Sociological Theory, 23, 42-74.
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Marchetti,Raffaele & Pianta, M. (2006). Understanding networks in global socialmovements, working paper, University of Urbino
McAdam, D. (1997). The Political ProcessModel. In Steven M. Buechler &Kurt F. Cylke (Eds.),  Social movements: Perspectives and issues,(pp. 172–192) Mayfield Publishing.
Passy, Florence & Giugni, M. (2001).Social networks and individual perceptions: Explaining differentialparticipation in social movements. SociologicalForum 16(1), 123–153.
Saeed, S., Rohde, M. and Wulf, V. (2008)ICTs, An alternative sphere for Social Movements in Pakistan: A ResearchFramework. Paper Presented at IADISinternational conference on ESociety. April 9-12, 2008. Algarve, Portugal.
Smith, J. (2000). Globalizing resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the future of socialmovements. Working paper. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from http://depts.washington.edu/pcls/papers.htm
Surman, M., & Reilly, K.(2003).  Appropriating the internet for social change: towards the strategic useof networked technologies by transnational civil society organizations. NewYork, NY: Social Science Research Council. Retrieved March 16 2011, from http://programs.ssrc.org/itic/civ_soc_report/
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Imran Khan should thank MQM.

Posted on 26 December 2011 by Tea Server

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No kidding.

On 25th Dec, Imran Khan conducted a huge rally at mausoleum of Quaid, Karachi. It was estimated that over 1,00,0000 people showed up there. Though it’s a different issue altogether that the mausoleum has capacity of 50K to 60K people. It is also said that Imran Khan managed to gather a crowd bigger than that of Lahore’s. Again, it’s a different issue that Karachi IS bigger than Lahore (by all means), and people from all over Pakistan, travelled to attend the rally, so they were not just Karachiites. Anyhow, the rally was a marvelous success. And the PTIans can now bask in success.

But behind every successful rally, there is a long list of people to thank. And in the case at hand, MQM tops that list.

Anyone without bias and with a pinch of neutrality, would agree to it. Because deep down inside, we all clandestinely admit that, if MQM hadn’t wanted it, it would never ever have happened, not even in thousand years. Imran Khan could hold a rally, because MQM let him. Imran Khan’s rally was a success, because MQM let it be.

For those, who would refute it and argue that it would be MQM’s loss, had MQM created any hurdles. I would first advice them that you are lucky, now is the winters. Kindly avail this awesome opportunity for yourself and eat almonds. Because you really need to. It will improve your memory. How in the cruel world, can you for 12TH MAY 2007? Your trite and boring but a supposedly winning argument?

It was the time when MQM supported the leader, whole Pakistan hated. It was the time when didn’t pay heed to baghi-s (rebels) like Aitizaz Ahsan ( where is he now BTW? Attending a wedding? I head he is writing a autobiographical, “baghi se baghbani tak”) , whole Pakistan was following.It was the time when MQM scorned the Cheif Justice, whole Pakistan was worshipping. And it all resulted in, the city’s—that MQM rules–roads being blocked and well, being blood baths. Needless to mention, how conveniently everyone jumped on the bandwagon and blamed MQM. I won’t argue here, that one needs to be extra ordinarily stupid to create mayhem in his own governance. Anyways, so ranging from TV anchors to print media to street opinion, it was MQM-didn’t-let-CJ-to-hold-the-rally. The anti MQM sentiment went to another level and even beat the anti American sentiment prevalent in Pakistan. MQM was to Pakistan what Muslims are to America and what America is to Muslim countries.

*Fast foward*

So elections in 2008 took place (precisely after 8/9 months of the incident) and whoa, guess what? MQM won a landside victory from the City of Flyovers ( exactly 21 seats from Karachi). And 12th May talk goes on.

The fact is, the voter of MQM is loyal and won’t shift for three reasons. 1, Mustafa Kamal. Name is enough. 2, They have seen and heard about horrendous operation clean up against Mohajirs. 3, Mohajirs have (rightfully) this being cornered mentality.

So, no matter if it is 12th May or IF it WAS 25th Dec, nothing could/would effect MQM’s votebank. Karachi belongs to MQM, and always will.

Therefore, Imran Khan should not be stingy and insecure and should thank MQM, for its bounteous goodness, open mindedness and welcoming behavior.

Having said that, I wish IK all the luck in the world. I am pretty impressed by their demonstration and campaigning. And I am pretty confident that IK would win from Punjab and Khyber, the two provinces badly need some change and some development and some flyovers and some REAL malls.

Best of Luck Imran Khan.

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PS: I apologize in advance if anyone’s offended, I was just trolling. Been a while.

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From Pakistan to Afghanistan, U.S. Finds Convoy of Chaos

Posted on 21 December 2011 by Tea Server

By Shahan Mufti

    The route from Karachi to Kabul was the best way to get supplies to U.S. troops in Afghanistan, and the main artery for a Pashtun trucking empire—until Pakistan shut it down.

    Nato-Supply-Routes

    Like a broker tracking the dips and spikes of a volatile but lucrative stock, Mohammad Shakir Afridi has kept a close eye on U.S. troop levels in Afghanistan since the first Americans landed in the country 10 years ago. As president of the Khyber Transport Assn., one of the largest associations of truck owners in Pakistan, Afridi’s biggest contract involves moving military equipment for American and coalition forces through Pakistan to military bases in Afghanistan. The slightest policy shift in Washington can carry major consequences for Afridi and his business.

    Sitting on a rooftop in a leafy residential block in Peshawar, the largest city in northwest Pakistan, Afridi slaps the morning paper on the floor beside his mat. “Twenty-four of our boys in one go,” he spits out. A front page photograph shows a field full of coffins draped in Pakistani flags. The soldiers were killed on Nov. 26 when U.S. helicopters and jet fighters from Afghanistan fired on military outposts on the Pakistani side of the border. The relationship between Pakistan and the U.S., which has been rocky for years, hit a new low. While the U.S. military promised to investigate and the NATO chief regretted the “tragic, unintended” incident, the Pakistani Prime Minister said there would be “no more business as usual” with the U.S. Pakistan demanded the U.S. vacate an airbase it was using in the South and choked off all U.S. and coalition military supplies traveling through the country.

    Afridi learned of the American attack before the Pakistan military or government had issued any statement; one of his truck drivers called to tell him the border was closed. Afridi was later given orders from the military to halt trucks near the border, and to direct all others to the southern port city of Karachi. He quickly obliged. “It’s serious this time,” Afridi says. “They’ll make the Americans sweat.”

    U.S. and Allied forces in Afghanistan get the bulk of their supplies in two ways. The first is the Northern Distribution Network, a web through Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia that crosses through at least 16 countries, using a combination of roads, railway, air, and water to move supplies in from the north. The chain can be complex and circuitous. One path through the network, for example, might involve military cargo that arrives by sea in Istanbul. From there it travels the width of Turkey on truck and crosses the northern border into Poti, Georgia. In Georgia the equipment goes by rail to Baku in Azerbaijan, where it’s loaded onto a ship bound for the Kazakh Port of Aktau, across the Caspian Sea. Then it’s put on trucks for the 1,000-mile ride through Kazakhstan, then a train through Kyrgyzstan and, finally, into Afghanistan.

    The second passage to Afghanistan, known as Pakistani Lines of Communication, begins at the port of Karachi and continues on one of two land routes, north toward the logistical hub at Bagram Airfield or west toward Kandahar. It has always been the primary option for American forces: It’s the shortest and cheapest, requires only one border crossing, and minimal time on the road inside Afghanistan. Nearly 60,000 trucks drive more than 1,200 miles through the length of Pakistan every year carrying supplies and fuel. According to varying figures provided by U.S. and NATO forces, 40 percent to 60 percent of all military supplies used by coalition forces in Afghanistan come through Pakistan.

    Afridi doesn’t cut the figure of a man playing a key role in the U.S.’s long war in Afghanistan. The 46-year-old Pashtun is from the Khyber Agency, one of the seven Pakistani tribal sectors along the border with Afghanistan. He has a neatly trimmed salt and pepper beard and prefers to drape his rotund figure in a plain white shalwar kameez and a black vest. When he’s not too preoccupied, he wears a disarming smile. The only thing that makes him stand out from the legions of similarly dressed men on the streets of Peshawar are his dark tinted glasses and a cell phone that never stops ringing.

    ven Afridi wouldn’t have dreamed of such a life a decade ago. His grandfather started the family transport business in the 1960s, buying a few trucks to move melons, grapes, and wheat from the fertile lands of the Punjab in Pakistan to largely arid Afghanistan. Afridi inherited the business in the 1980s. In 1996 he added a few tanker trucks to his fleet after signing a contract with Pakistan State Oil to transport fuel from refineries in Karachi. When the U.S. invaded Afghanistan and coalition forces moved in to occupy the landlocked country, Afridi’s business took off. He says he orchestrates a fleet of nearly 4,000 flatbeds and more than 3,000 fuel tankers that haul military supplies into Afghanistan.

    On a November morning, two days after the U.S. attack, Afridi rides around in a brand new black Toyota Hilux Vigo pickup. He’s just returned from the haj, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, a prohibitively expensive ritual Muslims are required to do at least once in a lifetime—if they are able to afford it. Afridi says this year was his second haj. His first was in 2010.

    Despite the prosperity, there are times he wishes he had never become involved with the Americans. After all, he is bringing fuel and supplies to forces fighting Pashtuns like himself in a neighboring country. In Peshawar, where his business is based—and where the Pashtuns are a majority—he’s a man on the run, constantly looking over his shoulder. As Pakistanis increasingly see the U.S. as the real enemy in the conflict in South Central Asia, Afridi feels like a target for doing business with them. “Can you believe it? They won’t even let my guards carry their guns here anymore,” Afridi gestures to the two unamused looking men, with no obviously displayed firearms, who have hung near him like a shadow ever since they jumped out of the cargo bed of the pickup.

    The fallout from the Nov. 26 friendly fire incident means Afridi’s business is at a standstill, indefinitely. Still, he thinks the Pakistanis have done the right thing. He says he hates the sight of the American flag, and stands “shoulder to shoulder” with Pakistan’s army. “Your homeland is like your mother,” he says, pausing to turn off a ringing phone. “You can screw people here and there, that’s just business.” He peers over his dark glasses. “But you never, ever screw your mother.”

    Of Afghanistan’s neighbors, Pakistan has the longest border and has historically wielded the most influence. It also provides the nearest seaport to Kabul. To leverage Pakistan’s strategic position, the U.S. has poured more than $20 billion into the country over the past decade. The money is not simply to strengthen Pakistan’s democracy against the threat from militants, as diplomats sometimes suggest. It has also been a way to buy Pakistan’s loyalty, aimed specifically at luring Pakistan away from the Taliban. Most important, the money is also for the continued use of Pakistan’s highway network. “If we want to be successful in Afghanistan,” as General James L. Jones Jr., former National Security Advisor to President Barack Obama, said in recent congressional testimony, “the roads to that success have a lot to do with Pakistan.”

    The U.S. has worked hard to find an alternative. The Northern Distribution Network, running through Europe and Central Asia, was developed only in 2009. That was after the U.S. troop surge in Afghanistan had begun the previous year. Besides easing congestion on Pakistani ports and border crossings, it was also an opportunity to decrease dependence on Pakistan, which the U.S. increasingly suspected was collaborating with the Taliban inside Afghanistan and providing their fighters and leaders sanctuary in Pakistan. Today around half of U.S. military supplies to Afghanistan come in from the north, but the northern network comes with its own set of challenges. (About 10 percent to 20 percent of supplies are flown in.) Besides being very long and costing three times as much to use as the Pakistani route, it’s vulnerable to attack. Only days before the closure of the Pakistani Lines of Communication, a Russian news agency reported an explosion along the northern supply route in Uzbekistan.

    Russia’s sphere of influence spreads across much of the northern route, which can cause complications. In 2009, for example, after Kyrgyzstan threatened to eject the U.S. from the Manas Air Base, a key node in the supply chain, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said Russia was “working against us.” Two days after the Pakistanis closed the supply route in November, and the U.S. was left with only the northern route, Russia’s NATO envoy made loosely veiled threats at closing off the northern supply line as well if NATO didn’t begin to rethink its European missile defense shield.

    Many countries along the northern route still don’t allow the passage of foreign military gear, so Pakistan was the only way for the U.S. to move nearly all of its combat equipment. At a congressional hearing in May, Lieutenant General Mitchell H. Stevenson, the U.S. Army’s Deputy Chief of Staff for Logistics, was asked what the “long term impact” would be if the supply route through Pakistan was “suddenly shut down.” After explaining that the Army kept a 45-day supply of reserve fuel on the ground in Afghanistan, the general said they could only “last several weeks” without any significant impact.

    This is what Pakistan’s calculation appears to have been from Day One. According to Abdul Sattar, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister from 1999 to 2002, the evening after the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in 2001, General Pervez Musharraf, who then ruled Pakistan as an unelected Chief Executive, called a meeting at the military’s General Headquarters in Rawalpindi. He wanted to discuss his country’s response to the inevitable U.S. call for cooperation.

    Abdul Sattar, one of only two people at that meeting not affiliated with the military, says that by midnight the group had decided on the broad outlines of Pakistan’s official response to the U.S. in case of a war in Afghanistan. Sattar suggested a “Yes, but…” approach to Musharraf, meaning Pakistan should agree in principle to whatever reasonable demands the U.S. would make, then secure strategic advantages while negotiating the fine details.

    Sattar was soon sidelined though, as were many others, and decision-making shifted into an insulated and small circle of generals closest to the dictator. “I would not hear much after that, a memo here or there, months after the fact,” says Sattar, now retired and living in a quiet corner of Islamabad. The agreements the U.S. reached with Musharraf were never fully revealed, but information trickled out over the years.

    The most important part of Pakistan’s role in America’s war was impossible to conceal: The country’s highway network would be the route along which the U.S. military’s supply chain would run. On this issue, Pakistan had taken the “Yes, but…” path. The country did not allow American military vessels on its waters. The U.S. Transport Command handed out massive contracts to international shipping lines such as Singapore’s APL (NPTOF), the Danish company Maersk (AMKAF), and Germany’s Hapag-Lloyd. Since the beginning of the war, APL has received more than $700 million in defense-related contracts and has moved more than 300,000 shipping containers for the U.S. military. Maersk has won nearly $2 billion in contracts. The goods transported through Pakistan include everything from blankets and microwave dinners to armored Humvees and Kevlar vests, and even shipping containers full of frozen food.

    Getting all the overseas crude oil and other supplies to the port city of Karachi has proven to be the easy part. Once the cargo is unloaded in Karachi, however, the international shipping lines subcontract the job of getting it to Afghanistan to local agencies. Those agencies in turn hire local truckers like Shakir Afridi. And so the lifeline for one of the largest deployments of U.S. forces in American history falls into the hands of a loose association of truck drivers and owners from the tribal areas of Pakistan.

    The nerve center of the transport business in Karachi is in Shireen Jinnah Colony, a smoggy and rusty seaside neighborhood with an apocalyptic landscape. Flatbed trucks are assembled from scratch on the side of the road. These “jingle trucks” are painted in every color of the spectrum and decorated with hundreds of intricate metal, wooden, plastic, and glass trinkets. In the background, monstrous oil refineries pump thick smoke into the air. From a small room in an office block abutting the Port of Karachi, Muntazir Afridi, Shakir’s younger brother, deals with the southern end of the Afridi family business.

    The trucking industry in Karachi, which is as far away as you can get in the country from Afghanistan, is in the hands of the city’s large minority Pashtun population. Mostly immigrants from Peshawar and the tribal areas on the Afghan frontier, the Pashtuns arrived in the 1950s and ’60s in flocks, looking for jobs. Largely uneducated and unskilled, 1,000 miles from home, they slowly acquired transport contracts to supply Pakistan’s north. Their deep cultural ties to Afghanistan’s majority Pashtun population also made them favorites for transport jobs for Afghan trade. In a city where ethnic groups battle and bloody the streets over slices of the local economy, two tribes in particular have an unshakable grip on the trucking business: the Shinwaris and the Afridis.

    Muntazir Afridi’s office is sparse. Taped to the wall are photos of the holy mosque in Mecca and the prophet’s mosque in Medina. A desk sits in a corner, and on a rickety coffee table is an overflowing ashtray. “In Bombay they have their film industry,” Muntazir proclaims with a smile, while sipping his morning green tea on a stained couch. “In Karachi we have the trucking industry.”

    With NATO transport shut down, the office block, which houses logistics companies, trucking companies, insurers, and customs clearing agents, is quiet. In an adjacent room, a group of men, mostly truck drivers, lie on soft rugs watching a Pashto film on television. The smell of Afghan hash hangs thick in the air. Other men, clearly stranded, shuttle between offices in the block with fists of crumpled papers, asking for loans, food, and lodging.

    Muntazir is in his mid-20s and dressed, like his brother, in a plain white shalwar kameez. His beard is long and neat. He points outside at the sheer scale of the enterprise. Stretching for miles, from the walls of the office block below all the way to where the large cranes of Karachi’s port are visible through the smog, is a patchwork of hundreds of oil tankers and flatbed trucks in yellow and red and green. “On a regular day they would all be on the move like ants,” Muntazir says, but instead the trucks are parked, overflowing from the terminal lots. Lines of jingle trucks are parked, sometimes double parked, for miles along the roads of Karachi. The entire southern quarter of the city looks like it’s been invaded by trucks.

    The Afridi family is only one of hundreds that have enjoyed the boom from the steady flow of American military supplies through Pakistan after 2001. The real gold rush started with the troop surge in Afghanistan that began soon after Obama won the election in 2008. When he took office there were just over 30,000 U.S. troops in Afghanistan. By January 2010, the number had more than doubled to nearly 70,000. In May of this year, troop levels peaked at nearly 100,000.

    More troops naturally meant more supplies. Figures issued by the Pakistan Federal Tax Ombudsman illustrate the spike in traffic at Karachi’s port. U.S. military equipment received at the port rose from nearly 16,000 shipping containers in 2005 to more than 54,000 in 2009. Halfway through 2010 the U.S. military had already shipped nearly 30,000 containers to Karachi.

    In Pakistan the demand for trucks skyrocketed. “Everyone who had nothing to lose took out a loan and bought a truck,” Muntazir says. He invited many of his extended relatives from the tribal areas to come to Karachi and start driving. The local “third party vendor” transport companies, to whom the international shipping lines subcontracted, were so desperate for drivers that Muntazir says they began lending money to people they had just met, so they would buy a truck and get supplies moving. “There was just no way the companies would be able to deal with truckers,” Muntazir says. “They couldn’t keep track of a thing.” Entire truckloads started going missing. Drivers would take the wheel of a brand new truck and simply drive off, never to return. The supply chain was coming undone.

    This is where Shakir, the elder brother, began to do work he describes as “brokering,” placing himself between truck owners and the local transport companies. He takes responsibility for the cargo and ensures it gets to U.S. and other ISAF forces in Afghanistan. Acting as a guarantor, Afridi receives a cut from the logistics companies when the cargo is picked up and again when it’s dropped off. The work has proved so profitable that Afridi has sold his entire fleet.
    In November 2008, Hakimullah Mehsud, a commander of the newly formed Taliban Movement of Pakistan, invited the news media to Orakzai, a tribal agency in Pakistan, for his first press conference. Mehsud arrived riding in a brand new armored U.S. military Humvee. As he posed for photographs, he told reporters he had captured a few American vehicles after attacking and looting a military convoy traveling through Pakistan. He boasted he would increase these attacks.

    Such attacks started at the same time as the U.S. troop surge in late 2008. Fuel tankers began getting torched regularly and shipping containers were ripped open, looted, and left empty along highways. In the local press, Pakistani military officials told of groups in the tribal areas stealing helicopter parts. Militants who couldn’t get to the trucks took to bombing bridges and roads along the route, at times shutting the supply route for days.

    The supply line was not just vulnerable to militants. In the past several years, the Pakistani and American visions for Afghanistan’s future have diverged so far that the relationship has turned hostile. Pakistan first cut off NATO’s supplies in September 2008, in response to the first-ever reported incursion of U.S. troops into Pakistan. Two months later, after a drone aircraft targeted Pakistan’s “settled,” nontribal lands for the first and only time, 160 NATO trucks were burned in a nightlong rampage in Peshawar. Many believed the event was staged by the Pakistani military and meant to send a clear signal. Vice Admiral Mark D. Harnitchek, deputy commander of the U.S. Transportation Command, said in a 2009 speech that 12 percent of the freight bound for Bagram in December 2008 had disappeared.

    The supply line has been under consistent fire ever since. In 2009 there were 25 attacks on NATO supply lines in Pakistan, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, an online database tracking terror incidents in the region. In 2011, before the supply line was closed in November, there had already been a total of 111 reported incidents, destroying hundreds of supply vehicles. Even in times of relative calm, the Pakistani military has had its hand on the valve, as it alone decides how many trucks carrying U.S. military equipment to let through on any given day.

    The spike in attacks is partly because drivers and truck owners have jumped into the action. Drivers in particular, discouraged by the high risks involved, have taken to selling their loads of fuel on the black market, then setting fire to the tankers and collecting insurance money. They can earn a nice profit, even after paying off local collaborators. Though the scam is a pain for the brokers, Muntazir says he feels for the truckers. “These guys risk their lives, and they get what? Thirty thousand, maybe forty thousand rupees for a trip?” That’s about four hundred dollars. Peanuts, says Muntazir. “Anyway, you can’t blame them trying to make their little bit,” he adds. “The real money is being made by those guys dealing in dollars”—meaning Pakistani transport companies, the Americans, and others higher up the food chain.

    In June 2010, after an unsourced news report on Pakistani TV claimed that nearly 11,000 Afghanistan-bound shipping containers that had arrived in Karachi had gone missing, the Supreme Court of Pakistan asked another agency, the Federal Tax Ombudsman’s office, to investigate. The case landed on the desk of Shoaib Suddle. A career police officer, Suddle was Karachi’s police chief at the height of a war between several ethnic groups in the mid-1990s. He has a doctorate in white-collar criminology from the University of Wales and has also served as the chief of Pakistan’s Intelligence Bureau.

    When Suddle first began his investigation, he received little encouragement from his colleagues. It’s made-up news, people would say. How can thousands of shipping containers go missing without anyone noticing? Then he had a breakthrough. The Pakistani ports and customs authorities were not keeping track, but he found that private container terminals in Karachi were keeping detailed records of the exact time containers would depart and return. Some trucks would never check back in. But thousands of mostly empty trucks were coming back too soon, sometimes a few hours after departing for Afghanistan.

    “We found the mother of all scams,” Suddle said. In a report published by his office earlier this year, he described complex transnational networks bribing local customs agents and using crooked bureaucrats in Pakistan to forge documents and create fake companies. The intent of that corruption was to get goods labeled as Afghanistan-bound into the country, and then divert them for resale on the black market.

    In total, Suddle estimated that at least 7,992 shipping containers had never reached Afghanistan. The report called this “the tip of the iceberg.” A follow-up investigation, also ordered by the Pakistani Supreme Court, revealed that close to 29,000 cargo loads have gone missing in the country. There is no way of knowing precisely what disappeared. While many of these containers were loaded with commercial cargo destined for Afghanistan, military equipment for coalition forces accounts for nearly 40 percent of all trade to Afghanistan through Pakistan. Pakistan’s Federal Board of Revenue estimates that 3,300 shipping containers full of military equipment were among those missing.

    According to an agreement between the Pakistani and British ministries of defense, signed in June 2002 and made public only recently, Pakistan allows ISAF military equipment to arrive in Pakistan without inspection. The U.S. military is not even required to file a customs declaration form describing contents inside shipping containers. Much of the lost military gear finds its way into the Pakistani black market. Some of it might even make it across the border into Afghanistan—but into the wrong hands.
    In the Khyber Agency, not far from Peshawar, the hemorrhaging U.S. supply line stocks a long bazaar the locals call Karkhano Market. Among the haphazard corrugated-iron storefronts and randomly arranged merchandise, middle-aged women are shopping for “USA” branded oil and soap bars with the American flag printed on them. Crisply clothed young men in dark glasses who walk in and out of back doors make hushed deals with suppliers. Scruffy fighters drop in from Afghanistan to sample the latest in the military technology available on roadside tables.

    Alongside old British rifles and Soviet AK-47s, American military gear like Kevlar vests, boots, camouflage suits, night-vision goggles, and knives hang from hooks. Tall stacks of large boxes carrying ammunition and weapons parts will not be opened without a good reference. In the bargain bins, thrown in with used fleece socks and shrink-wrapped copies of The Book of Mormon, are U.S. military operation manuals that restrict distribution to “DoD and DoD contractors only,” and carry instructions to destroy “by any method that must prevent disclosure of contents or reconstruction of documents.” A large sign for a shop on the second floor reads, “Haji M. Ikhlas USA traders,” with crude paintings of a U.S. military helmet and army boots. In 2009 a U.S. military laptop that the U.S. Army’s 864th Engineer Combat Battalion used for diagnostics and maintenance of military weapons systems and vehicles was found in this same market. It contained restricted U.S. military information, as well as software for military platforms, the identities of numerous military personnel, and information about vulnerabilities in American military vehicles used in Afghanistan. All that for $650.

    Shopkeepers say that much of their stock comes from Afghanistan or is brought in from elsewhere in Pakistan—they don’t differentiate. From whatever direction, it’s clear that the stuff is stolen from the U.S. military supply chain, and here in the open black market it fetches a good price.

    This is an enterprise that none of the subcontractors in the U.S. military supply chain—the international shipping lines, the local logistics agencies, the truck owners and drivers, and brokers like Shakir Afridi—lose much sleep over. After all, it doesn’t affect their bottom line.
    Back inside the city limits of Peshawar, Shakir Afridi is attending a lunch at the house of a truck owner he represents. There are more than a dozen guests, some of whom introduce themselves as truck owners, others as drivers. There are local officials from towns along the supply route who might help out with paperwork in case of an accident, and reps from the transporters’ union, too.

    Afridi sits at the head of a decadent spread of goat meat and Kabuli pulao rice. “When I was in Mecca last month, I prayed and begged Allah to finish this war,” he says, sinking his teeth into a leg of goat, coated in dripping salty fat. A truck owner sitting next to him pours himself a glass of Pepsi and passes Afridi his phone. He wants to share a photograph of one of his drivers, whose eyes had been gouged out, he explains, by Taliban who attacked his truck as he drove along the western route to Kandahar. “This is a dirty, dirty business,” says Afridi shaking his head sadly.

    Afridi says he’s not worried about revenue should the war end. He’s confident other contracts will come through. After all, he’s been cooperating with Pakistan’s military for years now, “standing shoulder to shoulder.” He talks about the Central Asian “stans”—all landlocked, growing, and looking to trade. He thinks Pakistan will start moving goods into Central and East Asia. Most important, he is convinced that “Allah, not America, is the one who provides sustenance to man.”

    As Pakistan and the U.S. drift apart, Afridi’s prayers for an end to the war may soon be answered. As of Dec. 13, the supply route remains closed. President Obama has ordered a military investigation into the events of Nov. 26. In the meantime the blame game continues. While Obama has called President Asif Ali Zardari to offer condolences, the U.S. has yet to apologize. To the contrary, some U.S. officials are saying Pakistan was warned of the operation in advance. On Dec. 8, 32 oil tankers and 10 shipping containers full of NATO military supplies parked at a poorly protected terminal in Quetta were burned and destroyed. A day later the Pakistani Senate heard testimony about how the country had incurred nearly half a billion dollars in road damage over a decade because of NATO supply trucks. Pakistan’s government pulled out of the Bonn conference held to plan the last stages of the conflict in Afghanistan. Pakistan, it seems, wanted to make the point that while it is consistently asked to do more to help in the war in Afghanistan, it can do less, too.

    “America has been trying to get out of this for years now,” says Afridi as he pushes away his empty plate and sticks a toothpick in his mouth. Dessert and green tea are served. “We have them so badly hemmed in that they can’t go anywhere,” he chuckles. By helping supply the U.S. with enough to keep busy in Afghanistan, but not enough to win, Afridi believes he is killing two birds with one stone. He is turning a profit and bleeding the country he hates most in the world. “They want out, but we’re still not done with them yet,” he says as he dips a spoon into a bowl of custard. “There’s still a little more to go.”

    Mufti is a Bloomberg Businessweek contributor.

    Source : Business Week

    Syndicated from: Khudi.pk

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