Tag Archive | "Hyderabad"

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HEC Ranking of Top Universities in Pakistan

Posted on 24 February 2012 by Tea Server

HEC Ranking of Top Universities in Pakistan

LAHORE: The Higher Education Commission (HEC) on Thursday revealed the first-ever national academic ranking of universities, with Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad leading and Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) landing at the 10th position in the overall list.

The ranking model has been developed by HEC’s Quality Assurance Committee (QAC) through stakeholder participation.

The ranking is based on the number of students, research productivity and quality, innovation and knowledge transfer, infrastructure, annual graduate output, international collaborations, student satisfaction and financial health of the institution.

 

The overall ranking is as follows:

 

  1. Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad
  2. Pakistan Institute of Engineering and Applied Sciences
  3. Aga Khan University, Karachi
  4. University of Agriculture, Faisalabad
  5. University of The Punjab, Lahore
  6. National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST)
  7. Pir Mehr Ali Shah Arid Agriculture University
  8. University of Health Sciences, Lahore
  9. COMSATS Institute of Information Technology (CIIT)
  10. Lahore University of Management Sciences, Lahore

The ranking are also based on categories including Agriculture/Veterinary, Art & Design, Computer Sciences & IT, Engineering & Technology, Business Education and Medical.

 

Agriculture/Veterinary

 

  1. University of Agriculture, Faisalabad
  2. Pir Mehr Ali Shah Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi
  3. University of Veterinary and Animal Sciences, Lahore
  4. KPK Agriculture University, Peshawar
  5. Sindh Agriculture University, Tandojam

Art & Design

 

  1. National College of Arts, Lahore
  2. Indus Valley School of Arts and Architecture, Karachi

Computer Sciences & IT

 

  1. COMSAT Institute of Information Tech Islamabad
  2. National University of Computer and Emerging Sciences , Islamabad
  3. Qurtaba University D.I.Khan
  4. Balochistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences, Quetta
  5. City University, Peshawar

Engineering & Technology

 

  1. Pakistan Institute of Engineering and Applied Science, Islamabad
  2. National University of Sciences and Technology, Islamabad
  3. Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering and Technology , Swabi
  4. University of Engineering and Technology , Taxila
  5. Institute of Space Technology, Islamabad

Business Education

 

  1. Lahore University of Management Sciences, Lahore
  2. Institute of Business Administration, Karachi
  3. Iqra University, Karachi
  4. Sukkur Institute of Business Administration
  5. National College of Business Administration & Economics, Lahore

Medical

 

  1. Aga Khan University, Karachi
  2. University of Health Sciences, Lahore
  3. Dow University of Health Sciences, Karachi
  4. Isra University, Hyderabad
  5. Khyber Medical University, Peshawar

HEC RANKING CRITERIA AND WEIGHTS

Quality Assurance and Enhancement =60

Implementation status of QA criteria =18

Teaching Quality  =42

Research  =40

Total  = 100

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Syndicated from: A Housewife’s Weblog

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Searching for a Shaikh

Posted on 11 February 2012 by Tea Server

In his youth the renowned journalist, and scholar Mawlana Abdul Majid Daryabad (Allah have mercy on him) had turned from a believer to a heretic under the influence of reading English books written by agnostics Philosophers. However, later after reading the translation of the Holy Quran he became a practicing Muslim again.

Moreover, study of ‘Mathnawi e manawi’ of Mawlana Jalaluddin Rumi (Allah have mercy on him) had profound influence on him.

He wrote,

‘For some duration I had been searching for a Shaikh. I had devoured all literature about Tasawwuf and sulook in Persian, Urdu and Arabic languages available to me. After reading so many books and sayings (malfuzat) of the pious the only desire I had was to meet a living saint.

In addition to the spiritual centers at major cities in Hyderabad, Delhi and Lucknow, I visited numerous centers at smaller towns like Ajmer, Kalyer, Dewa, Bansah, Radowli, Safipur, etc. in this search. I did not hesitate to visit any pious Shaikh I came to know about. I met individuals with overwhelming states (hal) and prolific orations (qal). Some of them excelled in worshipful activities while others were deep ascetics. Some of them were mere businessmen in disguise, with long hairs (& sufi attire).

In the end of this search my heart told me that the truth is limited to those of Deobandi affiliation. Therefore, you should limit your search and look specifically within them.

Furthermore, I limited this search  to those affiliated with the individual (Shaikh al-Arab wal-’Ajam Haji Imdadullah mohajir Makki, Allah have mercy on him) who wrote the best exegesis of the most beneficial work of Tasawwuf (Mathnawi e manawi).’

Halaat e Muslih al-Ummat ra, volume 3, page 618

 

Syndicated from: ASHRAFIYA

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Directed & Produced By Sami Saayer

Posted on 06 February 2012 by Tea Server

(All the characters and circumstances in this story are real, no matter how unreal they sound. The writer can swear upon Mario Balotelli’s hairstyle that there is no exaggeration in it. No political workers or ad agency personnel were harmed during the production of this ad film)
After working at one of the largest ad agencies of Pakistan for only three months, I had not only started believing that I can run my own ad agency, I had also started dreaming of directing and producing ad films.
And one fine day… rather night… my wish came true. In pretty peculiar circumstances.
Before going into the details of the night, I have to put some light on the main characters of this story.
Mr. TAK is the owner of the ad agency and STK is his wife. Then there is a certain VA who thinks of himself as their son, even though Mr. and Mrs. TAK and STK did not reciprocate his feelings as such. Mr. VA works directly under TAK and other characters (to be introduced later) are reporting to him. Mr. VA, by the way, is an avid MQM supporter; the kind who go to the Jalsas and openly claim their loyalty.
Then there is a second layer of characters in Mr. AF the Art Director who looks like Arjuna Ranatunga although this detail is unnecessary and Mr. WA who is actually a concept writer but a self proclaimed Creative Manager. Both are pretty much victims of under-appreciation by the management of the ad agency. The contrast, however, is that Mr. AF is also an avid MQM supporter whereas Mr. WA loathes MQM.
The last layer is of tow junior level employees. First being Mr. SR, an IBA grad of 2002, working on a tobacco company account, having minimal knowledge of film production and the other, yours truly, Mr. SS, another IBA grad of 2004, working on telecom and FMCG accounts with some experience of film production. Two films to be exact. Mr. SR is also a crazy MQM supporter; almost an heir to the throne of Mr. VA. For the time being, we will skip details of Mr. SS’s feelings towards MQM.
The scene started when two Pajeros stopped in front of the ad agency’s office one evening and several armed men came out of them. One of them opened the door of the car and out came a well known minister of MQM Pakistan. Let’s name him Mr. HAR. Mr. HAR went straight to the office of Mr. TAK and ‘requested’ him to make an ad film for the upcoming local body election campaign of MQM. The only problem was that the arch rivals Jamat-e-Islami had already launched their campaign on TV and MQM did not have a reply, hence, wanted the film to be ready by next morning.
Mr. TAK agreed to the production, wisely so. He then asked STK to handle the project. MRs. STK had previously directed a few ad films and seemed like a logical solution for such a quick fix. Mrs. STK was summoned and the task was explained to her. She then summoned Mr. VA to her office and asked him to mobilize the team. The team included of the art director AF, concept writer WA and yours truly with SR, execution runners to arrange for props, accessories and most importantly camera, studio and other equipment necessary for the shoot.
Mrs. STK told us to get ready and that she will be back by ten in the night for the shoot at the studio. Our job was to get everything ready in 3 hours.
There was another problem. We did not have a concept to shoot.
Mr. WA sat down with Mr. AF to write the concept and make a quick storyboard while SR and I started calling people to arrange for the shoot. There was an obvious difference between the excitement levels of the hardcore MQM guys VA, AF and SR who were working on it with utmost eagerness. WA, on the other hand, had a constipated look on his face while he worked on the concept. I was pretty much aligned with WA except for the constipated look. Mr. WA completed the concept, handed over to us and left the office swearing at MQM. The script looked good though.
By ten we were ready and left for the studio. Mr. VA told us to take control of things and left for home. When we reached the studio, Mrs. STK was not there. The models, DP and everyone else was waiting for Mrs. STK who conveniently turned her phone off and disappeared. We called VA to tell him about the situation at hand and asked him to somehow bring her to the studio. VA, being as supportive as he always was, told us to take control and manage it on our own. Apparently, it was our chance to shine.
I don’t mind getting chances to shine. However, this one had a risk of not shining ever if something went wrong. At that point, the other two gentlemen with me, AF and SR had also assessed the risk. We had no option but to start shooting. Mr. AF and I became the directors. SR was as helpful as someone on his first shoot would be. When 25% of the film was done, Mr. AF announced that it was past midnight and he had some emergency at home. He lives almost in Hyderabad, therefore, he had to rush. With him, went the hopes of Mr. SR for a safe landing.
I negotiated a few things with the DP, God bless him, and we resumed the shoot. Mr. SR fell asleep. We shot for another three hours and wrapped up at around 3:00 in the morning. The DP handed over the tapes to me and went off. So did Mr. SR.
I took the tapes and went straight to the nocturnal boys of our post production studio. They had already been aligned on the timings and were waiting for the tapes so that their work could start. Half asleep half awake, I managed to guide the video guy on the edit and sound guy on the voice over and music. Both the gentlemen, Owais and Zain did a fine job of wrapping up the entire post in another 5 hours and by 9:00 in the morning, the film was ready.
At 9:00 in the morning when office staff started coming, they saw me wearing slippers and same clothes as the last evening and red eyed. They all had perplexed look on their faces as I entered the office of Mr. VA and handed over the final film to him. Mr. VA gave me a much needed pat on the back and that was it. He then took the film to Mr. TAK and showed it to him. Obviously, it was not really important to take me along or even mention that I was involved in it but that’s not important, or is it?
By 10:00 in the morning, two Pajeros appeared again at the office entrance. Out came Mr. HAR again and went to TAK’s office. He left the agency office with a big smile and a happy face.
My job was done.
In a few hours, all the major satellite channels were running that film. A few of my friends at the office arranged for official screening of the film to the other staff and spread the word that the film was ‘Directed and Produced by Sami Saayer’.
MQM went on the win the elections with a big margin.
I wish Mr. HAR had learned that I was the ‘mastermind’ behind that great film. He would have said to me, “Sami Bhai… Yeh Ad Hum Pe Udhaar Raha… Aainda Koi Aapka Mobile Nahin Chheenay Ga” (Sami bro, I’m indebted to you for this ad film… nobody will ever snatch your mobile phone anymore).
The only thing I got out of it was that I put ‘Directed and Produced a TV campaign for MQM for local body elections’ on my resume. Not too sure if it was a wise thing to do because my next bosses at Nestle told me that they were apprehensive in recruiting an ‘MQM supporter’ in their team and I ended up removing it from there too.

PS: Sadly, I don’t even have a copy of the film anymore and its not available on youtube either. If someone from that ad agency can get me a copy, I would really appreciate it.
Syndicated from: GypSy

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Bhutto’s Gallows Revisited

Posted on 15 January 2012 by Tea Server

President Asif Ali Zardari has made a reference to the Supreme Court of Pakistan to revisit the case in which Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was sentenced to death on the charge of ordering the murder of an innocent man Nawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan Kasuri. Interestingly enough the parliament has already prejudiced the case by passing a resolution in its initial session declaring the execution of Mr. Bhutto a ‘judicial murder.’

 In this background, the reference really is a request to determine whether or not the national assembly resolution had any merit or whether it was a contempt of court. The reference also establishes the principle that the judgment of the Supreme Court has greater meaning and weight than a resolution of the national assembly. In order to understand the case it is important to know the background.

Here are some clippings from Nation and Express newspapers and Wikipedia:
Nawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan, Kasuri’s father, was killed in 1974. Kasuri himself was the complainant for the murder case registered against Bhutto, who was eventually hanged in 1979. In April this year, 32 years after Bhutto’s death, President Asif Zardari filed a reference under Article 186 of the Constitution to the Supreme Court to reopen the murder trial.
Bhutto was convicted in a murder case and sentenced to death by the Lahore High Court (LHC) in 1979 during the dictatorship of the then army chief General Ziaul Haq. He was executed on April 4, 1979 by then military dictatorship.

A five-member bench of the LHC, headed by Maulvi Mushtaq Ahmad, had held the Bhutto trial for five months and awarded death sentence to him on March 18, 1978. The Bhutto family had filed an appeal in the Supreme Court. A seven-member bench upheld his death sentence in its February 6, 1979, verdict with a bare 4-to-3 majority. His review petition was also dismissed on March 24, 1979. Bhutto was hanged at the Central Jail, Rawalpindi, on April 4, 1979.

Sheikh Anwarul Haq is a former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan [September 23, 1977 - March 25, 1981]. He is often considered ‘ill-famed’ for giving legitimacy to General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq’s martial law and for upholding the decision of the Lahore High Court which sentenced Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to death for the authorization of the murder of a political opponent. Four Supreme Court judges headed by Chief Justice Anwarul Haq upheld the murder conviction of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. On 25 March 1981, S. Anwarul Haq became the first Justice and only Chief Justice to refuse taking the oath under the military imposed PCO and resigned on conscientious grounds.

Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed, the democratic socialists alliance who had previously allied with Bhutto began to diminish as time progresses. Initially targeting leader of the opposition Vali Khan and his opposition National Awami Party (NAP), also a socialist party. Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal government’s decision to oust the NAP provincial government in Balochistan Province for alleged secessionist activities and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto’s, Hayat Sherpao, in a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of a leading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri‘s father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. Powerful PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.

On January 8, 1977 a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated fully in those elections. They managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the party. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the newly-elected Bhutto government as illegitimate.

All the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto’s regime. Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more unrest. Bhutto imposed martial law in major cities including Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad. However, Mr. Bhutto accepted that there were major irregularities in the election in a number of constituencies and a compromise agreement between Bhutto and opposition to hold fresh election in some constituencies was ultimately reported. This compromise theory was however probably a later day addition as a major PPP armed rally was in the offing.

Zia planned a the Coup d’état carefully as he knew Bhutto had integral intelligence in the Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers, including Chief of Air Staff General Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-General Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd Mountain Division, Major-General Naseerullah Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military Intelligence (DGMO) and Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto.

To remove this intelligence, Zia secretly contracted with the active duty British SAS army officers to maintain a staff course for the Army personnel while Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff quietly removed naval personnel loyal to Bhutto and his government from the Navy’s active duty. Zia ordered Bhutto’s loyal officers to attend a staff and command course and none of the officers were allowed to leave the course until the midnight. Meanwhile, Zia with his close officers, including Admiral Mohammad Shariff, then-Chaiman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, arranged the coup in the evening. On July 5, 1977, before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops of Military Police under the order of Zia by the evening.

Bhutto’s last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not merely a long defence of his conduct he also made some matters clear. He mentioned the words of “heir” for his son “Mir Murtaza Bhutto”. He made some remark which indicated that he has views similar to a Sunni, though he was Shia albeit a non-practicing one. He also effectively cast doubt on the reliability of star witnesses against him i.e. Masood Mahmood who was a UK-trained lawyer and not merely a police officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood Mahmood in his testimony. He repeatedly brought the subject of his maltreatment in the death cell. Bhutto made it abundantly clear, even though indirectly that he wanted either freedom or death, not something in between, and appreciated Khar and his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar.

While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one U.S. diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

During Bhutto’s five years in Pakistan’s helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional hold on the poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s general elections. At the same time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The [socialist economics] and nationalization of major private industries during his first two years on office had badly upsets the Business circles… An ill-considered decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-ginning, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and traders. Both leftists— socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, and trade unionists— felt betrayed by Bhutto’s shift to centre-right wing conservative economics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords, Pakistan’s traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto’s aggressive authoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with political rivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many….

—U.S. Embassy, Pakistan, U.S. commenting of Bhutto’s fate,



                                                                    

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Concern for Pakistan democratic process, safety of human rights defenders

Posted on 04 January 2012 by Tea Server

Citizens’ statement of concern about the democratic process in Pakistan democratic and safety of human rights defenders, to be released to the media on Jan 5, 2012 (to endorse, please enter your information in the form at this link)

We, the undersigned, express our grave concern that Pakistani human rights defenders are being threatened and intimidated for their stance in the ‘memogate’ case. We are also concerned at the danger this crisis poses to Pakistan’s democratic political process that had taken a step forward with the elections of 2008.

No elected civilian government in Pakistan has yet completed its tenure and handed over power to the next government following democratic elections. If the current government manages to do this, it will be a first step in an ongoing process that is essential to Pakistan’s peace, progress and prosperity in the long run.

Those under threat include former Ambassador of Pakistan to the US, Husain Haqqani, who returned to Pakistan and tendered his resignation in order to ensure a free and fair inquiry into the ‘memogate’ matter that he is accused of engineering.

The so-called ‘memogate’ affair revolves around a letter that Amb Haqqani is accused of sending to then US Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mullen allegedly at the behest of Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari, seeking American help to prevent a military coup in Pakistan. Mansur Ijaz, an American businessman of Pakistani origin, delivered the note to former US National Security Advisor Gen. James Jones to pass on to Adml Mullen allegedly at Amb Haqqani’s behest. Amb Haqqani has denied writing any such memo at anyone’s behest or asking Ijaz to deliver it to anyone.

Amb Haqqani has been barred from leaving the country, which is a denial of his fundamental right as a free citizen of Pakistan. Under threat both by the ‘religious’ extremists and the security agencies, he is currently a virtual prisoner confined for his own safety to the Prime Minister’s residence.

Also facing threats is his lawyer, former Supreme Court Bar Association President, Asma Jahangir, who has termed the Supreme Court judgment of Dec 30, 2011 a “victory” for the security establishment that she alleges is behind the case.

Amb Haqqani’s wife, Farahnaz Ispahani, a Member of Pakistan’s Parliament, also threatened, is currently in the US where she had come for medical checkups. Columnist Marvi Sirmed, who has written fearlessly against the ‘religious’ extremists and in support of Amb Haqqani, has also been receiving threats, Columnist Marvi Sirmed, who has written fearlessly against the ‘religious’ extremists and in support of Amb Haqqani, has also been receiving threats, as has senior journalist Najam Sethi. There are numerous other journalists and activists who live under threat for their outspoken views; some are forced to seek politial asylum abroad. This is essentially the case with anyone in Pakistan who counters or challenges the narrative of the ideological security state.

Without going into merits of the case, obvious contradictions in the ‘evidence’, or political motivations behind it, it is evident that it is at the crux of a matter vital to Pakistan’s politics, that is, whether Pakistan is going to be run by a civilian elected government along the lines of a parliamentary democracy that ensures fundamental rights, or along the lines of a ideological narrative dictated by the security establishment that holds fundamental rights subservient to its interpretation of ‘national security’.

Too many people in Pakistan have fallen to the ideological monster unleashed by the establishment pursuing a narrow, ideological interpretation of ‘national security’. It is time for a fundamental paradigm shift in Pakistan’s politics, to allow the nation to fulfill its potential as a progressive, forward looking South Asian nation at peace with its neighbours and the world. We urge the Pakistan government, judiciary and security establishment to play their constitutional roles, cooperate with each other and focus on re-establishing the rule of law and in order to make this possible.

In the meantime, be aware that the world is watching to ensure that no harm comes to those who are taking a stand towards this end.

Endorsed (listed alphabetically; names still coming in are being updated; please endorse at this link):
• A. Chhachhi, Sociologist, Netherlands
• Abdul Ghafoor Chaudhry Social Activist Canada
• Abdul Hamid Bashani Khan, Barrister, Solicitor & Notary Public, Canada
• Abdullah Hussein Novelist Lahore
• Afzal Tahir Kashmir International Front/United Kashmir Journal, London, United Kingdom
• Ahmad Rafay Alam, Lawyer
• Ali Kazmi Student Islamabad, Pakistan
• Ali Arqam Blogger, Social Activist Peshawar
• Ammar Yasir, Marketing Head, Tea Break Networks Karachi
• Annie Syedah Student United States
• Anushka Jatoi Student Karachi
• Asif Khan Earth Day Network Washington DC
• Ayesha Humayun Khan Citizen of Pakistan Dubai
• Ayesha Jalal, historian, Boston/Lahore
• Ayesha Siddiqa, Political Scientist, Pakistan
• Beena Sarwar, journalist
• Faisal Mahmood Officer in National Bank Malir
• Faraz Sheikh, social activist, Lahore
• Farooq Tariq, spokesperson Labour Party Pakistan, Lahore
• Fazil Jamili, Poet, Journalist
• Fakhar Ul-Islam Project Manager United Kingdom
• Fayaz Ahmad Historian Peshawar
• Ghazi Salahuddin, journalist and columnist, Karachi
• Hamad Ur Rehman CEO/ a human and social rights activist. Lyallpur.
• Haris Gazdar, researcher
• Harsh Kapoor, South Asia Citizens Web (sacw.net)
• Ibrahim Sajid Malick, Technologist, New York
• Dr. Ijaz Khan Professor of International relations University of Peshawar
• Dr. Ilmana Fasih, physician, health activist, blogger Canada
• Iqbal Alavi, social activist
• Irfan Mufti South Asia Partnership Pakistan Lahore, Pakistan
• Kamyla Marvi Citizen Karachi
• Khawar Mumtaz, Shirkat Gah. Pakistan
• Kiran Nazish Journalist, Activist, Lahore
• Karamat Ali, Labour Rights and Peace activist
• Meera Ghani, Environmental and Peace Activist, Belgium
• Mehmal Sarfraz, Journalist, Lahore
• Mehr Alwy Finance Manager UK
• Michael Renner Researcher U.S. / Germany
• Dr. Mohammad Taqi, Physician & Columnist
• Muhammad Idris Khattak Researcher OSI Pakistan
• Mohsin Sayeed Journalist Karachi
• Moniza Inam, journalist, Dawn, Karachi
• N. D. Pancholi, Secretary, Indian Renaissance Institute, Ghaziabad (UP), India
• Nadeem Yousafi Businessman Peshawar, Pakistan.
• Noman Quadri, student
• Noorjehan Bilgrami Artsist Karachi
• Dr. Osama Siddique, Law Professor, Pakistan
• Pervez Hoodbhoy, Physicist
• Dr Pritam Singh DPhil, Reader in Economics, Faculty of Business, Oxford Brookes University, UK
• Qurratulain Zaman Media Consultant, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
• S. Abbas Raza, Editor, 3QuarksDaily.com
• S. M. Naseem, economist
• Saba Hamid, Actor, Pakistan
• Saba Quraishi, activist, United States
• Sabahat Ashraf (“iFaqeer”) Communcator. Citizen. Fakir. Silicon Valley, California
• Sadiqa Salahuddin, educationist, Indus Resource Centre, Pakistan
• Saleha Haque Student University of Salford, UK
• Sana Saleem Activist, Blogger Karachi
• Sarah Suhail Lawyer
• Sehba Sarwar Writer
• Shahla Haeri, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Boston University
• Shandana Mohmand, Political Scientist, UK
• Shahnawaz Student Karachi
• Shama Noman Educationist
• Shayan Afzal Khan, Citizen and activist, Pakistan
• Shahzad Ahmad Country Coordinator, Bytes for All, Pakistan
• Siddharth Nayak Managing Director , The Jurists ; President : All India Law Students Association New Delhi
• Soulat Pasha director Titan Energy Karachi
• Tahera Ahmad Physician Germany
• Tahir Saeed Senior clinical psychologist Ireland
• Tazeen Project Director, Intermedia
• Waqas Ali CRSD Peshawar
• Yasser Latif Hamdani, Lawyer
• Zeeba T. Hashmi Citizen Lahore
• Zohra Yusuf, human rights activist
• Zulfiqar Shah, The Institute for Social Movements, Pakistan Hyderabad

Syndicated from: Journeys to democracy

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People for peace: 8th PIPFPD Joint Convention, Allahabad

Posted on 29 December 2011 by Tea Server

PIPFPD 7th Joint Convention, New Delhi 2005: Pakistani ghazal queen Farida Khanum with then Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran at a reception at Hyderabad House. Photo: Beena Sarwar

My curtain raiser on the Eighth Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) Joint Convention being held in Allahabad, India, Dec 29, 2011-Jan 1, 2012 (slightly shorter version published as an op-ed in The News). When the name was being decided, the Indians insisted that Pakistan should be mentioned first, rather than the usual formulation that places India’s name first. This apparently trivial gesture typifies the PIPFPD’s cooperative spirit.

People for peace | By Beena Sarwar

The Indian government’s clearance of visas for 237 Pakistanis to attend a major peace convention in Allahabad, Dec 29, 2011 to Jan 1, 2012, is a welcome step, allowing the much-delayed Eighth Joint Convention of the Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) to finally be held.

The PIPFPD is the largest people-to-people organisation between the two countries, formed in 1994 by eminent intellectuals, academics and activists from both sides. Discussions at the Joint Conventions revolve around issues ranging from ‘war, de-militarization, peace and peace dividends’, to ‘Democratic solution to Kashmir problem’, ‘Democratic Governance’ and ‘Religious intolerance in India and Pakistan’. ‘Globalization and Regional co-operation’ was added at the 5th Joint Convention in 2000 at Bangalore.

The principles laid out in the initial PIPFPD Declaration of 1994 are even more relevant today than they were then: that the “politics of confrontation between India and Pakistan has failed to achieve benefits of any kind for the people of both countries”, and that the respective governments should honour the wishes of their people who “increasingly want genuine peace and friendship”.

Better relations, said the Declaration, “will help in reducing communal and ethnic tension” and “will help the South Asian region to progress economically and socially”. The Declaration urged the Governments of Pakistan and India to “agree to an unconditional no-war pact immediately” and to recognise that “a democratic solution to the Kashmir dispute is essential”.

Over 200 Pakistani and Indian delegates participated in the groundbreaking First Joint Convention in New Delhi, 1995. For the first time, Indians and Pakistanis sat together to freely discuss the contentious issues of Kashmir, demilitarization, and the politics of religious intolerance. PIPFPD’s formulation about Kashmir is now part of public discourse: that Kashmir should not be viewed merely as a territorial dispute between India and Pakistan but as a matter of the lives and aspirations of the Kashmiri people, who must be involved in any discussion about their future.

The seven joint Conventions held since in various cities across the region, alternating between both countries, have involved hundreds of ordinary citizens. Delegates pay for their own travel expenses, while the hosts arrange inexpensive board and lodging. These Conventions have yielded not only lasting relations between individuals but also spawned dozens of Indo-Pak organisations and meetings between different ‘sectors’ – fisherfolk, teachers, students, journalists, doctors, lawyers, labour unions, rights groups and others.

It was PIPFPD’s First Joint Convention in New Delhi in 1995 that led to the first regular column by an Indian journalist in a Pakistani newspaper (The News on Sunday) since the 1960s. Today, most newspapers and TV channels in Pakistan have correspondents, stringers and resource persons in India, and vice versa.

Initial delays to the Eighth Joint Convention came from Pakistan, where it was supposed to be held in Peshawar in 2007, after the Seventh Joint Convention in New Delhi in 2005. The political situation provided justifications to deny the necessary permission: escalation in the ‘war on terror’, the lawyers’ movement, the return and then the tragic assassination of Benazir Bhutto, and escalating violence in Pakistan as the new government tried to tackle the militants unambiguously.

When it became clear that trying to hold the Convention in Pakistan would add to more delay, the organisers decided to move it to India. That took over a year and much negotiation. Conditions were verbally set out and apprehensions voiced about the possibility of ‘wrong speeches’ being made – not just by the Pakistanis but by Indians.  However, those raising the objections were unwilling to spell out their apprehensions in writing.

In the end, persistence and people pressure paid off. Several Indo-Pak events have been held over the past two years, including by Aman ki Asha. Many were initiated by Indians, contrary to the perception that “Indians don’t care about peace with Pakistan”.

Significantly, some of the most inspiring initiatives have come from Mumbai, a city still reeling from the horrific attacks of Nov 26-28, 2008 that many Indians squarely blame Pakistan for. However, many Indians, including Mumbaikars, argue that all Pakistanis should not be held responsible for the actions of a few.

An extraordinary expression of this spirit was the 50-kilometre long ‘human chain for peace’ formed by some 60,000 Mumbaikars on Dec 12, 2008, urging the Government of India to show restraint in dealing with Pakistan — just days after the attacks that claimed 164 lives and left over 300 wounded. This hugely impressive event was overshadowed by the jingoism amplified by the media, but the Indian government did not (for several reasons) pander to those baying for action against Pakistan.

Earlier this year, students from Mumbai came up with a pioneering initiative they called ‘Ummeed-e-Milaap’ (hope for unity), a platform for Indian and Pakistani students to connect, in over 30 colleges in Mumbai, Lahore and Karachi. Last month, a 22-member delegation of journalists from The Press Club of Mumbai travelled to Pakistan to connect with colleagues in Karachi and Hyderabad, culminating in a joint Declaration of Cooperation.

The world is changing. The old paradigms and policies based on paranoia and hatred must give way to a realisation that it is only with cooperation with each other that India that Pakistan can fulfil their respective potentials. The Seventh Joint Convention articulated some visionary steps that both governments can take towards this end (see www.pipfpd.org). The Allahabad Convention will take forward these demands, foremost among which is easing the current restrictive visa regime.

We have seen what happens when thousands of cricket fans are given visas to attend matches across the border: nothing, except for goodwill and a reaffirmation that the people are ready for good relations and personal contacts. As the Allahabad Convention gets under way, do our governments have the political will and vision to follow the people to peace or will they remain mired in outdated security state paradigms?

(ends)

Syndicated from: Journeys to democracy

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Pakistan through pictures in 2011 Part 3

Posted on 17 December 2011 by Tea Server

Arshad Arbab / EPA

 

Pakistani security officials in Peshawar on Oct. 21 carry the coffins of paramilitary Frontier Constabulary members who were killed in an attack in the Shalobar area of Bara Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. At least 34 alleged militants and three soldiers were killed during a clash along the Afghan border in northwestern Pakistan. The fighting occurred in a stronghold of the Lashkar-e-Islam militant group.

Matiullah Achakzai / EPA

 

Pakistani Interior Minister Rehman Malik, center, talks with journalists near the Pakistan-Afghan border in Chaman on Oct. 19. Rehman Malik made an official visit to discuss security issues at the border. Pakistan‘s military chief, Gen. Parvez Kayani, says the United States‘ clampdown on Islamist insurgency should focus on Afghanistan rather than Pakistan.
Afghan and NATO forces have stepped up their fight against a militant network considered the most dangerous threat facing coalition forces in Afghanistan, the nation’s defense officials said Tuesday.

Arshad Butt / AP

 

People mourn next to the body of a relative at a hospital in Quetta, Oct. 4. Suspected Sunni extremists opened fire on Shiite Muslims traveling through southwestern Pakistan.

 

 

K.m. Chaudary / AP

 

A supporter holds a poster of Mumtaz Qadri, the confessed killer of a liberal Pakistani governor, during a rally to condemn the court decision against Qadri on Oct. 1 in Lahore. A Pakistani court convicted and sentenced Qadri to death for the killing of Salman Taseer, a murder that led to fears the country was buckling under the weight of extremism. Taseer was an outspoken critic of the country’s “blasphemy laws.”
Angry demonstrations broke out in Pakistan after a court on Saturday convicted and sentenced a police officer to death for the killing of a liberal governor.

Aamir Qureshi / AFP – Getty Images

 

Residents gather at the site of a blast in Islamabad, Sept. 29, that ripped through the top floor of a hotel building in Islamabad, injuring at least six people. City police chief Bani Amin said the cause of the blast appeared “to be a gas cylinder” that was still leaking at the Citi Hotel in the Blue Area, a bustling district of shops and restaurants.

Athar Hussain / Reuters

 

Supporters of the Pakistan People’s Party wave flags during an anti-American rally near the U.S. consulate in Karachi, Sept. 27. Pakistan, facing a crisis in relations with the United States, appears to be seeking more support from China.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Banaras Khan / AFP – Getty Images

 

Shiite Muslims shout slogans as they carry coffins during a funeral ceremony for those killed in an attack in Quetta on Sept. 21. Gunmen shot dead 26 Pakistani Shiite pilgrims traveling to Iran on Sept. 20, the deadliest attack on the minority community in Pakistan for more than a year. In a brutal assault, gunmen ordered pilgrims off their bus, lined them up and shot them. Two weeks later, a similar incident left 13 dead.
Suspected Sunni extremists shot 13 Shiite Muslims to death execution-style after ordering them off a bus and lining them up Tuesday in southwestern Pakistan, ramping up a campaign of sectarian violence that has exposed Islamabad’s inability to protect minorities.

Pervez Masih / AP

 

Displaced Pakistanis try to hand over their identity cards to get permits for relief at an office in Tando Mohammad Khan near Hyderabad, Sept, 29. Flooding killed scores of people, destroyed some 665,000 homes and displaced nearly 1.8 million people in Sindh province.

 

Athar Hussain / Reuters

 

 

Athar Hussain / Reuters

Residents peer past a cloth barrier raised to cordon off the scene of a suicide bomb attack in Karachi on Sept. 19. At least eight people were killed, including six policemen, after a Taliban suicide bomber drove an explosives-laden car into the home of a senior police official in Pakistan’s commercial center, Karachi.
At least eight people were killed, including six policemen, after a Taliban suicide bomber drove an explosives-laden car into the home of a senior police official in Pakistan’s commercial hub Karachi on Monday.

A. Majeed / AFP – Getty Images

 

Pakistani firefighters attempt to extinguish a fire after a bomb blast at a market in Peshawar on Sept. 19. The bomb killed at least five people and wounded 28 others at a market selling CDs.

 

 

 

Syndicated from: Pak Tea House

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