Part two

Please, read part one here first: Occupy Haiti (I)

Armageddon, two years on…

Reconstruction year 2012…

Prime Minister Garry Conille – Source: Le Nouvelliste

“There was hope that the quake would bring an opportunity to break the country’s fatal cycle of struggle, catastrophe and indifference,” wrote the AP’s Jonathan M. Katz on the quake’s first anniversary last year. “But promises were not kept and no leader emerged, within Haiti or outside,” he added. A year later, “Build Haiti Back Better” stagnates; a collective promise dissipates, as unrealistic messianic emersion frustrates. Instead, news coverage exposed a painstakingly slow reconstruction process hindered by a disengaged international community, runaway non-governmental organizations, Haitian leaders’ ideological bickering and politics of destruction.

Analyzing Haiti’s state of affairs in his recent article “The Haitian President did not turn his policies into music,” Le Figaro’s Thierry Oberle noted, “In Haiti, a country where the president is an artist, politics remains a shadow theatre.” Nevertheless, President Martelly’s State of the Union address delivered at the Haitian National Assembly earlier this year rejected that premise, highlighting what the president perceived as important accomplishments for his administration. His free education initiatives for disadvantaged children, unilateral taxation of the Haitians living abroad to fund education, and clearing many displacement camps topped the president’s list. The Head of State also expressed concerns over the media’s unfavorable coverage, dressing his administration with a meager assessment, rather than exposing real progress.

Former dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier with the presidential couple – Source: President's facebook page

Following the president’s speech in the Haitian parliament, Prime Minister Garry Conille declared 2012 the year of reconstruction and enumerated a host of reconstruction initiatives his government would launch this year. Yet, nearly three months since his narrow parliamentary approval, Conille still struggled to wiggle free from Martelly’s shadow. Together however, the executive duo sang in unison: harmonious relationships between executive and legislative branches were instrumental to 2012’s success. While observers agreed such approach would help deflate tensions in Haiti’s hostile political environment, they reasoned the rhetoric did not reflect Haitian actualities. “It was only to save face,” inferred Oberle, referring to the executive’s ambitious goals. “While under the surface,” he added, “Trench warfare between the former singer elected in May and the ancient power-block that controls the parliament paralyzed the country in ruins.” Echoing these sentiments, Caribbean Creole News’ Claude Carre inferred, “Already, as this year begins, the potential for crisis is evident everywhere.” His article “A Country in Limbo, an Inexperienced President” offered critical insights into a saturated political environment decorated with confusion, warning signs and shortsightedness.

It was however the same media that called then candidate Martelly a political novice or outsider not belonging to the reining political élite, characteristics it said made him attractive to his supporters. After a seven-month crash course, rocked by political paralysis, power struggle and constitutional violations, critics noticed a different man emerging in the fragmented Haitian Palace. “The president embodies an entrenched neoliberal tradition,” asserted Oberle. “It has the support of part of the bourgeoisie with friendships rooted into the reign of Jean-Claude Duvalier, former dictator returned to Port-au-Prince just over a year ago,” he added. In the characterization of a diplomat to the popular French newspaper, “Martelly wanted to emancipate himself from certain realities, but he crashed into the wall of parliament,” revealed Oberle. With only two deputies from his party Repons Peyizan in parliament, the executive’s harmonious relationships ideals might prove a herculean task, especially with the president’s unilateral approach to governance. In fact, political isolation often surfaced when affluent analysts attempted to paint brush the administration’s ability to govern. “Even worse,” wrote Carre, “The government not only inherits this state in shambles, but is also headed by an inexperienced president that embraced a nostalgic, outdated vision of public affairs, and—at the same time—is controlled by the same powers that helped him rise to power.”

President Michel Martelly – Source: President's Facebook page

As optimistic the heads of state and government sounded, lawmakers foresaw another tumultuous political year, preluded by the latest eruption over allegations of Martelly’s multiple citizenship status, considered to be a mortal sin by the Haitian Constitution. “A president cannot have three passports,” hammered Senator Steven Benoit on the air of radio station Magik9. “This is serious,” he added, “He must be punished, but we are not there yet.” Predicting a volcanic political year, Benoit who represents the West Department in the upper house admitted, “This crisis was latent. It will explode when parliament reconvene.” The foreign nationals saga is the latest twist in a litany of crises that crippled Martelly’s seven-month tenure, barricading the country’s reconstruction efforts.

Given the senator’s insistence on exposing the man who– not long ago– threatened to dethrone parliamentarians one after the other, the president will have difficulties disarming that bomb. “I could not, in any way, shape or form, make unsubstantiated claims or without evidence,” replied Senator Moise Jean Charles when pressed about the injurious nature of his accusations against President Martelly and several members of his new government. “You can call and ask them for details,” he added.

Senator Charles, a fierce opponent of the president, granted interviews to many popular Haitian radio stations where he revealed Martelly, two Ministers and a Secretary of State held foreign passports. The senator stopped short of providing journalists with the smoking gun he gathered from his personal investigation, but threatened to make the documents public unless his senate colleagues launched an investigation into the matter. The Haitian Constitution explicitly spurned the authority of foreign nationals meddling in affairs of the state, especially a president and high-ranking officers. Irrefutable proof of such flagrant constitutional violation, as many lawmakers argued, could potentially force Martelly out of office, unraveling his young administration. However, should this turn out to be baseless accusations against the president and his staff, Senator Moise Jean Charles who admitted receiving death threats since going public with the information will face serious reprisals from his colleagues as well as the presidency.

Meanwhile, Senate majority leader Joseph Lambert, president of the committee investigating the citizenship status of all 39 members of the new government announced, during a press conference held late last week, two out of 10 government officials investigated thus far held foreign passports. Lambert called on the president and his top officials to surrender their documents, admitting the committee’s first request went unanswered. When questioned about the grave allegations leveled against him, President Martelly replied his priorities were to alleviate the burden of suffering Haitians, rather than entertaining silly accusations. His vague answers prompted several leaders in the civil society to call on him to make an official statement about what they characterized as an act of treason, but to no avail.

Assuming president Martelly survived the citizenship allegations, he would have to brace himself for the House of Deputies’ vindication for his government’s arbitrary and unconstitutional arrest of sitting Deputy Arnel Belizaire last October. While the president denied any knowledge or involvement in the arrest, a senate investigating committee’s report revealed the incident originated in the Haitian palace where the two men had a very animated verbal exchange. Members of the lower house subsequently adopted a resolution demanding the heads of all government officials involved in the arrest. The president’s ability to absorb lawmakers’ rage will not only determine the fate of his presidency, but also indicative of political maturity necessary to deal with complex Haitian politics. That’s not all, however.

The Haitian Senate

Publication of the constitutional amendments constituted yet another point of contention among leaders, triggering an avalanche of criticisms that further divided the country. Many opposition leaders and lawmakers vehemently rejected the idea of the publication, calling on President Martelly to restart the amendment process among the 49th legislature. Opponents cautioned the president against publishing amendments they called vile and fraudulent that could potentially make him vulnerable to impeachment proceedings. Proponents meanwhile, demanded the president kept his promised, publish the amendments and release the country from the grips of suspense and indecision. The final version of the amendments, recently handed to the president for official publication, promised 30 percent representation for women in government, a path to citizenship for Haitians leaving abroad, the creation of a permanent electoral entity and, among several others, the restoration of the Armed Forces of Haiti.

In spite of Martelly’s public promise to publish the amendments, he later recanted, saying he needed more time to ensure proper discourse, as opponents’ vehemence amplified. Framing the confusion surrounding the constitutional amendment, Benoit asked, “Under which constitutional guidance are we today?” The outspoken senator urged the executive to unambiguously clarify their positions on whether or not they abandoned the amended version passed overwhelmingly by the National assembly last May.

Further complicating an already precarious situation, the president failed to set a date for senatorial and municipal elections that should have been held last October, argued Benoit. Last month, President Martelly used a presidential decree to fire the Provisional Electoral Council that oversaw his ascension to power, signaling his resolve to move toward an eventual election date. However, his recent hesitation might have shattered those perceptions and threatened to plunge Haiti deeper into political instability, as 10 senate seats—one-third of the upper house—will be vacated. “With 30 members, the Senate finds it difficult to operate,” reasoned Benoit, “With 20 it will be worse.”

If one believed the executive duo however, Martelly learned a lot during the last seven months, as he admitted in an interview with Le Nouvelliste. Therefore, Year 2012 will put Haiti back on the map with major projects going up throughout the country, especially since Martelly promised to let the head of government do its job, admitting to finally understanding his role as president.

In an ideal world, the search for justice would always trump the pragmatic workings of politics. However rarely do we live in that world. Instead amnesties are granted in the hopes of a peaceful regime change, dictators are allowed to flee their counties for the permanent and well financed vacations exile while their victims remain to put back together what oppressive policies and violence broke. If enough time passes, as Haiti is now discovering with Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, those who grossly abused their power can often act like nothing happen. Of course justice is pursued by some countries determined to make sure that past wrongs are answered to, but success in those endeavors typically requires strong support from allied countries or organizations like the UN. Even then, messy politics makes for messy justice; accusations of bias in prosecution and worries about the cost of proceedings given the typically small groups of suspects tried are common, as are serious questions about the value of such proceedings for both victims and the political process. This, and not the ideal version we dream about, is the world we live in.

Recognition of these realities is one of the reasons why the International Criminal Court (ICC) took so long to come into being and is also a constant issue facing the court. In this battle between justice and politics, the biggest debate to date confronting the court is that of Kenya where it is believed high ranking politicians were involved in promoting the post-election violence that gripped the country in early 2008. The possibility of an ICC investigation was part of the agreement reached between President Mwai Kibaki and opposition leader (now Prime Minister) Raila Odinga, but was also contingent on the inability of the Kenyan parliament to pass legislation creating a domestic tribunal to try those responsible for the violence. After parliament failed to pass such legislation, the ICC opened an investigation and yesterday the decision on which of the “Ocampo Six” – the six people deemed most responsible for the violence – would be tried officially came down.

This is where the politics gets messy.  Not only was the post-election violence largely divided on ethnic terms which ended in a fragile peace, but the members of the Ocampo Six were and remain prominent political figures. For example, Uhuru Kenyatta is the current Deputy Prime Minister, Kenya’s wealthiest citizen and the son of the country’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta. On the other side is William Ruto, the former Minster for Higher Education and a prominent opposition politician. Both Kenyatta and Ruto enjoy significant support with their rural constituents and both have stated they would be running in the presidential elections later this year. Politically, these two are positioned on opposite sides of the conflict but may be facing the same fate. Unfortunately, they also have the ability to take down all of Kenya with them. Again, this is the world we live in.

So what is more important, justice or politics? By ruling that four of the six charged would stand trial, including Kenyatta and Ruto, the ICC stuck to their mandate and chose justice. Ahead of the announcement there was strong support for the court among Kenyans but also increasing fears that violence could once again break out. So far, that has not happened. But with politicians gearing up for their presidential campaigns and two of the major candidates now getting ready to stand trial for crimes against humanity, yesterday’s decision is only the start of this debate, not the end.

Part one

Armageddon, two years on….

Men searching for survivors among dead bodies

Haiti’s conventional image rarely extends beyond succinct summations of a corrupt, dangerous, impoverished and unstable place plagued by a litany of tragedies: man-made and nature-engineered. Perhaps then, it should surprise no one that the tarnished image prevailed, even two years after the cataclysmic devastation.

The reconfigured political landscape some observers characterized as very precarious and fragile in 2009 was completely decapitated on Jan. 12, 2010 when a magnitude 7.0 earthquake cratered the country. Robert Perito, director of Haiti Working Group (HWG), conceptualized Haitians’ cyclical psychological shock to the Columbia Journalism Review (CRJ) a year ago. “Just when we thought things were going well and we’d turn the corner and everything looked good,” he said, “This comes out of nowhere.” Since its 2006 inception, HWG– a program of the United States Institute for Peace—began monitoring Washington’s policy-making on Haiti and encouraging public discussions in its development and U.S.-Haitian relations.

Although Perito’s statement might surprise many Haitians whose frame of reference amounted to abysmal failures from their government, it was not misplaced. In fact, many reports from several economists, studies and political analysts canvassed a soaring sense of optimism that was uncharacteristic of Haiti’s recent history. In “Haiti: From Natural Catastrophe to Economic Security,” a 2009 report economist Paul collier prepared for the Secretary-General of the United Nations, he noted that in spite of its lengthy history of socio-economic fragility, Haiti had “far more fundamentals that the fragile states with which it was conventionally grouped.” Affirming Collier’s findings, the Center for American Progress argued in “Haiti’s Changing Tides,” comparing to the past several decades, the battered country was “experiencing one of the best combinations of open political space and physical security.”

Crumbled Haitian Palace Source: The Atlantic

The flow of optimism did not stop there though; Haiti’s leap in its estimated Gross Domestic Product from 0.8 percent in 2008 to 2.9 percent in 2009 reinforced economists’ perceptions about its potential economic emergence. Furthermore, economist Tyler Cowen’s “The Haitian Renaissance of 2010,” posted on his blog Marginal Revolution moments before the earthquake, perceived the macroeconomic data as the writing on the wall: the beginning of the end for Haiti’s downward spiral. While many skeptics disagreed, arguing the data analyzed was insufficient to make broad generalizations, experts agreed on one thing; the earthquake dispelled all theories. “The state has been completely emasculated,” said Haiti native Robert Fatton Jr. who teaches politics at the University of Virginia. “If you look at what happened with the earthquake, there’s nothing; there’s no state,” statement corroborated in excruciating details by countless survivor accounts, including renown Journalist Erilande Sully’s who worked for Le Matin, a Haitian weekly and the country’s second oldest newspaper at the time.

Armageddon’s torturous legacy….

On Jan. 12, 2012, agonizing testimonies of the dreadful day blanketed Haiti like minacious dark clouds, flooding the nation’s consciousness with overwhelming grief, including Sully’s agony captured during an interview he granted to the Foreign Policy Association (FPA).

Shoeless, Sully and his colleagues laughed outside about their building rocking from side to side, something they neither experienced before nor understood. Only a few seconds earlier, he sat in his office, took his shoes off and put his feet on his desk, in search of inspiration for his next assignment. Suddenly, leaping out of his chair, “It sounded like a tank of war was trying to run over our building,” said Sully, “Like a big tank was shooting on our building, so– without hesitating– I ran,” admitting to never thinking about his shoes. Once outside their dancing building that withstood the earthquake, they joked about Sully’s bare feet and quickness, unaware of the massive devastation taken place within that short period.

However, for survivor Pierre Chery interviewed on the eve of the second anniversary of the earthquake, it was no laughing matter. “Thirty-five seconds was enough to turn everything upside down,” he said, reflecting on his struggle for survival. “Seconds have never been so long,” he added during an interview with Le Matin. Even two years after Armageddon, “Goudou-Goudou,” as Haitians referred to the killer-quake, hunted its countless victims, especially Raphaela whose permanent scars painted a scenario of despair and grace. “I was pulled from under the rubble three days later,” she recounted. “And at some point, I lost all hope of survival; it was a painful moment.” To her, the eventual rescue was a miracle. “Today,” she said, “I consider my life as a divine gift.”

Moments later, it dawned on Sully and company; the laughter dissipated. Port-au-Prince, virtually a war zone, was reeling six feet under, so they scrambled around trying to reach family members, recalled Sully. “When we saw the destruction that was all around us, we realized it was something serious and it shocked me,” he said. The only terms he felt would describe what he witnessed were complete chaos and disaster of catastrophic proportions.

“Petionville was turned upside down. People were running in all directions, as if the people were not themselves,” he said, hesitating. “Like they’ve all gone crazy.” He saw people emerging from thick fogs of dust, completely disfigured. “Some people crawled out of collapse buildings covered in blood, while others desperately tried to remove people from under the rubble,” added Sully. “You realized that it was as if the end of the world was upon us.”

By then, the journalist could not locate any of his colleagues also scattered in the cloud of confusion, trauma, and helplessness, as he described the chaotic scenes. “No one was in control of the people and there were no functioning media to communicate with them,” said sully, moving his hands up, down, up again and in all directions to paint the vivid imagery. The radio, a primary communication medium for the Haitian population, nearly 50 percent of which is illiterate, was muted, as many stations caved to the earthquake’s molestation. “There was no cell phone, so you could not reach your people,” he added, slowly shaking his head.

Rescuers save a frightened little boy

On a parallel plane, amputee Dithna struggled to fight back her tears, as—through her eyes—journalists relived her ordeals. She was sitting on her porch when Goudou-Goudou’s deafening noise caught her by surprise. “The house began to shake with me,” she said. “Even before I had time to save myself, the house collapsed.” After spending two days under the rubble, the worse was yet to come for Dithna. “My neighbors, in order to save me, were forced to cut my leg that was trapped under chunks of concrete,” she added, sobbing. For her part, Marie Marthe admitted losing everything to Goudou-Goudou’s fury. “I’m totally dependent on others,” she exclaimed in a tone reporters described as somber and hopeless. However, it is the memories of her son who perished in the earthquake that made this second anniversary most unbearable for the 67-year-old survivor. “That was an unprecedented event; the experience was painful,” said Marthe. “Something that no one should have to relive.”

Sully agreed: reliving Jan. 12, 2010 would be disastrous, especially since 2-year-old memories manifestly haunted him even today. Those sporadic decrescendos racing up from Vallee de Bourdon to greet him on his way home, and then went silent, followed the reporter everyday since. “You just knew what they were,” he asserted. “To hear the cries of people trapped under the rubble and while you’re walking over the valley, you hear them and then they stop.” It became evident the journalist could not escape the dying voices, as he subconsciously covered his hears while retracing the event. “That moved me to tears”, he continued. “I’m listening to people crying; I’m hearing them screaming, but you can’t do anything for them nor can they help themselves.”

Those unpleasant echoes transcended him and affected him immensely since he could not reach out to help his dying brethren, he explained. Nevertheless, Sully hoped the monstrous human sacrifice was not meaningless. In addition to the current administration declaring 2012 the year for reconstruction, he found solace in this declaration made by Right to Housing Collective during its peaceful march on the earthquake’s second anniversary.

“Remember, you are marching today for those who couldn’t be here. To say to them, we haven’t forgotten; we’ll never forget. And to those that are still here, we will take a stand for the rebuilding of Haiti.”

Hoping to aid in Haiti’s recovery from the January 2010 earthquake, some political leaders and development officials looked at one problem deemed to be a persistent obstacle – overcrowded urban areas.  The solution?  Redevelopment of Haiti’s agricultural sector as a way of encouraging people to move out of cities, create a market for local food products and create jobs in the Western Hemisphere’s poorest country.

For those proponents of this plan, The New York Times wrote recently, trying to fix one problem while ignoring others can be dangerous.  “But the vision has run up against Haitian reality: myriad economic and infrastructure deficiencies, the lack of credible opportunity in rural areas and the fading of international interest and funds. “  A controversial presidential election and the closing of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission have further clouded the atmosphere for effective development planning.

The article goes on to illustrate the promise and peril of rural development with the example of an experimental farming village called Papaye.  Although foreign aid money has helped Papaye to get off the ground and provide Haitians with a successful model, difficulties faced by the new farmers makes some of them second guess their involvement and hope for a return to city life.

Image credit: AFP/Voice of America

Pat Anthony, Charlotte Healthy Living Examiner
January 1, 2012

As many Charlotte residents continue to be concerned about the health of those in Haiti, Haitian Heritage and Friends of Haiti has an event planned in Charlotte on January 12th, 2012 local residents may want to attend.
The event, Remembrance & Reflection of January 12th, 2010 Earthquake, will mark the second anniversary of the earthquake in Haiti that killed over 300,000 people.
The Press Release received from Sabine Guerrier, President of Haitian Heritage and Friends of Haiti, a Charlotte based group also referred to as HHFoH, includes the following information:

Haitian Heritage & Friends of Haiti (HHFoH) is holding a one hour event to commemorate the second anniversary of the devastating earthquake that struck Haiti on January 12, 2010.

We are inviting the Charlotte Community and beyond to join us in remembering the 300,000 plus victims who have lost their lives:

Date: Thursday, January 12, 2012

Time: 6:30 pm – 7:30 pm

Place: Providence United Methodist Church

2810 Providence Rd

Charlotte, NC 28211

The ceremony will include pictures/videos of Haiti prior to the quake, immediately after the quake and the current state of Haiti. We will also have an opportunity to hear testimonials from some of the victims and organizations/individuals who have been helping Haiti since then.

We hope you can join us for this memorable one hour event in honor of those who have perished. We’ll take a moment to pray for those who continue to struggle with the hardship of life and for the well-being of our beloved country Haiti.
Those in Charlotte wanting more details about the January 12th, 2012 Remembrance and Reflection event may contact Sabine Guerrier at 704-890-9903. Also, emails may be sent to hhfoh@live.com. To view the site for Haitian Heritage and Friends of Haiti Group please use this link.

Summary of Global Food Security 2011

The Global Food Security blog’s coverage for 2011 started where 2010 left off, with posts about controversial land grabs in Africa.  The recovery of Haiti was strained when even the production of rice, a staple crop, was slowed by fears that it might contribute to a growing cholera outbreak.  Foreshadowing the shortfalls that would be seen in other parts of the world in 2011, a post on food insecurity in Afghanistan revealed the aid agencies expected the conflict-torn country to have low-level food security.

With the FAO’s monthly report on global food prices showing that food prices in January 2011 were already at levels higher than the 2007-2008 food crisis, anxiety increased about whether this increase would subside or continue during the year.  As with the 2010 wildfires in Russia, fears that a natural disaster would upset food prices did occur when floods in Australia impacted global wheat supply.

As the protests of the Arab Spring emerged as one of the 2011’s major news stories, an underlying story followed by this blog was the role that frustration over food prices played in setting off unrest and fears of new unrest caused by food security in other regions of the world.

By February, concern emerged that drought conditions in China may lead to a run by the Chinese government on global food markets, raising prices across the board globally.  When rainfall arrived at the eleventh-hour to relieve parched Chinese farmland, the world quietly avoided another food crisis.

The March 11th earthquake in Japan and subsequent tsunami had the immediate effect of cutting off survivors from safe food and water.  In the aftermath of the natural disaster, fears of radiation contaminating the food supply in Japan shut down the export of food produced in areas nearby the Fukushima prefecture.  Throughout the year, lingering fears of radiation contamination in Japanese food products were confirmed with high radiation levels in some food products.

In June, a deadly outbreak of E.coli contamination in Germany killed 31 people and sickened over 3,000.  The story resonated because of the number of people affected, as well as the speed and reach of the outbreak.  The difficulty in identifying the source of the outbreak created new calls to examine how governments handle such outbreaks.

In July, a critical famine warning hit the Horn of Africa, a formal recognition of a problem that was building for several months.  With over 9 million people initially affected by the drought, the humanitarian situation looked as bleak as it could, until a few weeks later, when the UN declared famine conditions existed in two regions of Somalia.  The plight of the people in the Horn of Africa, desperately trying to escape areas devoid of food, only to become caught up in regional conflicts, overrun refugee camps and a painfully slow international aid response was covered by several blogs on the FPB network throughout the remainder of the year.  Added attention by the global media only bore witness to a worsening situation, but did not necessarily engender a greater aid response.

The international community’s attention to global food security was displayed in some important events in 2011.  At a May 6th FAO meeting, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton called attention to the need to immediately address the effects of rising food prices.  In late June, the G-20 held a landmark Agriculture Summit to discuss the connection between food production and distribution as a way of understanding how to prevent food crises.

Food security was given a prominent forum as the subject of two high-level meetings at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in September.  The theme of addressing rising food prices was carried on for World Food Day, October 16th.

As the year closed, western Africa’s Sahel region was preparing for the emergence of drought conditions across several countries.  Will lessons learned in 2011 be applied to address this budding crisis?  Or will 2012’s first food security crisis come from western Africa?

Most Unexpected Event

Many would like to say that in this day and age, no area of the world should suffer prolonged food insecurity from drought and famine.  Food security experts who tracked the crisis in the Horn of Africa would note that warnings about a natural disaster in the area and the challenges that would face a humanitarian aid response were already known.  While these experts would not call this crisis wholly unexpected, its results remains shocking.

Person (or people) of the year

While this category is addressed at the end of the year in all of the blogs, it always proves particularly difficult for this blog.  Of course, there are many examples of aid workers and individuals who aim to improve food security in the areas they live or work, and we try to acknowledge their work in posts as frequently as possible.

The Global Food Security blog therefore selects: The people of the Horn of Africa.  Using this space, we would like to once again call attention to the needs of over 10 million people by referring you to our posts from earlier in the year, where you can donate much needed funds to organizations working in the Horn of Africa.

Must reads for Global Food Security

Bloggers have included their recommendations for books related to their blog topics, but we would like to use this space to recommend that readers revisit some of this blog’s posts from the past year that highlighted unique aspects of this diverse topic.

MyPlate serves new nutrition guidelines
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued new nutrition guidelines, represented in a new symbol, updating the “food pyramid” campaign.

Three new reports challenge food security forecasts
Three independent reports released in spring 2011 looked at the future of food security and how it will be impacted by  global warming, population and consumption patterns.

Five questions for…William Schanbacher
Discussing his recent book, Dr. Schanbacher shares his ideas on food sovereignty vs. food security, food as a cultural commodity and the effectiveness of international organizations in ending global hunger and poverty.

Forecast for 2012

One trend that was tracked in the past year was food insecurity in the United States.  As the 2012 presidential campaign moves into full swing, will hunger in the U.S. become a campaign issue?

The G-20 Agricultural Summit promised a great deal, but left some parts of the agreement unplanned or pushed them down the road.  Will the international community seize the momentum raised by this summit and other meetings to create mechanisms to keep food prices under control?  Or will it take another food crisis to initiate further action?

Come back to read and we will stay on top of these and other issues.

2011 Bloggers

In the past year, the Global Food Security blog had posts contributed by Nadja Boncouer, Michael Lucivero, Adam Read-Brown and Rishi Sidhu.  Ideas for posts were also contributed by members of the FPA staff.

Image credit: Sven Torfinn/The Guardian

Dancing for the cameras, bulldozed behind them

President Martelly Handing car keys to a contest winner

“Mayor Wilson Jeudi has just bulldozed the entire camp,” recounted Connie Watson, CBC Radio’s Correspondent in Haiti. “He showed up with the police at 6 o’clock this morning, stormed through with machetes and clubs, slicing all the tents and knocking down their springy supports.”

Watson witnessed the early morning raid orchestrated in camp Delmas 3; one of many tent cities scattered around the capital and filed a short documentary for the Canadian radio station published on Thursday Dec. 29, 2011. The raid segment was part of a larger report about Haiti’s generational land disputes, often marked by violence, larcenies and/or deaths.

The impromptu raid left camp residents traumatized, vibrating with anger. “I need to know if Haiti really has any human rights,” said Guirlene Pierre, struggling to frame her thoughts, as the police cleared the camp she shared with 200 displaced persons. “I need to know,” she added, “If we are the people who will always be forced to bow down to the higher classes just so the rich can take every little thing we have.”

Justifying the government’s actions however, Mayor Jeudi felt the homeless people were in the way of progress. “If we keep on like this,” he told Watson, “How are we going to attract investors so they can come here and give jobs to the people?” Among his reasons for raiding camp Delmas 3, the mayor enumerated prostitution trades, camps serving criminals’ safe haven and residents enjoying free rent while renting out their real homes, although he did not elaborate on mechanisms the government used to identify those nuisances. “We must search for serenity and peace to attract foreign investors,” stressed Jeudi who later added, “The truly homeless people had a year and a half to find somewhere else to live.”

Under the media’s spotlight though, Martelly’s holiday festivities depicted a harmonious relationship between the president and his people, as he gave away cars, motorcycles, money, TV sets and many other gifts. The presidential couple travelled to various parts of the country, held competitions where people danced for them to win prizes and handed out cash envelopes to cheering spectators. Although the program drew sharp criticism from many leaders across a broad societal spectrum, the first couple perceived it as the best way to put smiles on sad faces that experienced a tough year. The administration allocated $11 million to implement Christmas of Solidarity; a program Prime Minister Garry Conille said would also create about 35,000 temporary jobs for camp dwellers in addition to many holiday handouts.

The jubilant crowd dancing with Martelly hoping to be the lucky winner of a presidential prize differed radically from the infuriated bunch in Watson’s report, fleeing bulldozers, gathering their remaining dignity. Facing eviction from flimsy tents, inhabitants scrambled helplessly with family members. “As they watched the garbage truck in stunned silence,” described Watson, “They’re each handed a cardboard box, containing a bar of soap, some toothpaste and other basics,” from the Haitian Red Cross. “It doesn’t begin to replace what they’ve just lost,” she added. The recurring scenario enraged civil rights advocates such as Patrice Florvilus who decried the mayor’s actions as inhumane and criminal. They young lawyer has helped people leaving in displacement camps fight evictions, though unsuccessfully most times. “They have to relocate them,” he shouted into Watson’s microphone, his choler boiling over. “They have to find a place to relocate them before kicking them out,” added Florvilus whose pleas fell on death hears, as the police carried on, bulldozing lives.

A house in the Artibonite Valley in Haiti, destroyed by those claiming the property as their own. Photo/Connie Watson

Like Martelly’s predecessors, attempting to settle age-old land quarrels bearing a dynasty of contemptuous flares will be as if walking a minefield. As the documentary indicated, the bloodied history of Haiti’s land disputes traced back to the birth of the republic and shared the blame for first Emperor Jean-Jacques Dessalines’ assassination, two years after his historic ascension to power. How does an administration decide who owns a piece of property when several people claim ownership to it? Many of them hold deeds or land titles dating back generations and are even willing to die for it.

For rights lawyer Florvilus though, fraudulent title claims did not justify government raiding homeless camps, challenging the legitimacy of the elite’s claim of the lands. He shared the views of many Haitians who thought the devastating earthquake that cratered much of the country in Jan. 2010 would initiate tangible property reforms. “We thought that after the earthquake the Haitian government would take advantage of this time to try to regulate the whole land ownership issue, but they haven’t done that,” explained Florvilus. He stated that only 5 percent of the country’s lands were legally registered, which left 95 percent for anyone to claim.

In spite of major scarcity of resources, the administration managed to offer some cash incentives to encourage people to leave the camps they have called home for nearly two years. However, it was not the case for Pierre and her 200 neighbors who were served eviction notices instead. Bulldozers and machetes will not diffuse land-ownership’s ticking bomb; neither the perception of harmonious Christmas incentivized by gifts, which according to lawmakers, did not begin to address dire needs of the general population. Instead, this young administration needs a strategic approach to address the plaguing problem, perhaps even Jeffersonian.

Meanwhile, as one side optimistically hangs its hat on Martelly’s promise of law and order to keep what they deemed rightfully theirs, not so fast, cried the other. They too, want justice and are ready to die to get that little half hectare plot back, as Watson explained. In their eyes, there were only two options: “Die for the land or die of starvation.”

Former Dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier with graduating law students in Gonaives. Source: Le nouvelliste

“Here I am in Gonaives this morning after 26 years, answering your invitation, which provoked memories that are not necessarily pleasant,” declared former president-for-life Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier to the graduating class of Gonaives’ Faculty of Law. “Indeed,” continued the honorary speaker, “I’m referring to Jean-Robert Cius, Michaelson Michel and Daniel Israel, fallen almost at the threshold of adolescence.” Surrounded by students and bodyguards, Duvalier added, “Please take a moment, as I ask you to join me in observing a moment of silence in their memory.”

Invoking the memory of the three martyred students by the former dictator was particularly injurious to his victims, activists and leaders of human rights organizations. The Committee of Lawyers for the Respect of Individual Liberties (CARLI French acronym) wondered, in a released note, “How can he invoke the memory of the victims while the perpetrators of this triple murder worked for his regime, therefore making him criminally responsible.” In November 1985, Duvalier’s strong men, the Tonton Macoutes, killed the three students in cold blood in the City of Independence, initiating the eruption of popular uprisings throughout the country that led to his fleeing for France on February 7, 1986. The former authoritarian leader inherited the reins of Haiti’s presidency from his father Francois Duvalier in 1971 and ruled the country with an iron fist until his dethronement by military coup.

CARLI’s leaders denounced the scandalous behavior of the faculty, especially Joseph Patron Jean-Louis, the dean of Gonaives’ School of Law and Economics. “How can law students and officials from a law school ignore the basic principles of human rights and even want to institutionalize the impunity of our political leaders,” asked Renand Hedouville, general secretary of CARLI. He called the school’s choice insulting and provocative, actions he said leaders undertook to slowly reintegrate Duvalier into Haitian society.

Francois Duvalier (right) and Jean-Claude Duvalier (left) Source: the Telegraph

During his speech, Duvalier said choosing him as honorary speaker was a particularly courageous and thoughtful act for which he owed the students a debt of gratitude. However, the Ecumenical Center for Human Rights (CEDH French acronym) disagreed, calling his intervention an “Unjustifiable provocation to the memory of thousands of compatriots, daughters and sons of Haiti,” especially when future legal and judicial leaders made that choice. Protesting the school’s decision, CEDH wondered how Duvalier could roam around the country so freely while a judge placed him on house arrest.

Duvalier, 60, landed in Haiti unexpectedly on January 16, 2011, after a 25-year exile in France; however, state prosecutors charged him with corruption, embezzlement and crimes against humanity two days later. Amid disturbance reports taken place wherever the ex-dictator visited, a judge placed him on home confinement, pending a decision about his case. Recently, two dozen Duvalier supporters paralyzed an Amnesty International press conference, barging in Le Plaza Hotel where the human rights organization planned to released ‘You Cannot Kill the Truth,” a report detailing dozens of unpublished testimonies from political prisoners who survived the authoritarian regime.

State prosecutors still await Judge Carvez Jean’s decision on the merit of the case against Duvalier who declared, “It’s time for reconciliation,” to his young crowd, cheering. However, rather than rewarding impunity, CARLI’s note reminded students “their obligation was to fight against it.”

Photo: Operation Christmas Child: Children who live at City Rescue Mission in Oklahoma City decorated and filled 16 shoe boxes with gifts to give to other needy children.

It is that time of year again; for many the chill of winter has set in, and as we bundle-up with something hot by the fire, we think about giving to others. Regardless of your religious beliefs, the holiday season reminds us to give back to our communities and others in need, especially children.

I wish there were a way we could capture this holiday spirit and keep it going all year long. In the hopes that these accounts will inspire you to do just that, I thought I would share a few stories of children who have gone above and beyond the general spirit of giving:

Recognizing their power and potential to make a difference in the lives of others, more than 113,000 kids and teens joined generationOn and pledged their commitment to service, ensuring a donation of more than $1 million in toys and games from Hasbro, Inc. (NASDAQ: HAS) to Toys for Tots.  As a result of these commitments to serve, tens of thousands of children across the country will now have the opportunity to experience the joy of play this holiday season (PR Newwire).

15 year-old Kaci Bowman, has been giving back to children in all over the world for years through Operation Christmas Child (OCC), a program of Samaritan’s Purse International Relief organization. ‘This year, Bowman collected 162 shoeboxes full of small gifts and personal hygiene products…’ and then traveled to Denver to help sort and organize gift boxes for children in Mexico and Haiti (The Norwood Post).

Kindergarten students made four large gingerbread houses during the school’s holiday parties and donated them to the Defenders of Freedom Veterans Home & Shelter (The Registered Mail).

Honor roll fifth-graders at Village Academy in Delray Beach are receiving hand-painted TOMS Shoes donated by students at Saint Andrews School in Boca Raton. Saint Andrews fifth-graders painted the shoes, provided by a parent donor in association with Sound Tree Entertainment to supply needy children at home and abroad with shoes (Palm Beach Post).

Middle School students team up to fulfill 50 Angel Tree wishes (Daily Gleaner).

Girl Scout Troop 20379 and Brownie Troop 20049 at Clinton School are helping to feed 15 kids in three families over the 10-day holiday break (South Orange Patch).

10 Great Philanthropists Who are Kids was published in January of this year and provides 10 unique and inspiring stories of children giving selflessly to those in need.

Don’t under estimate the power of youth; children can have a powerful and lasting impact on the lives of other children and our world. There are many ways that children can get involved and make a difference. Think outside the box; never be afraid to think too big; remember that even small efforts can make a big impact. Volunteer opportunities for adolescents aren’t difficult to find, and one of the best places to start is with your school, local place of worship, or service groups. There are a number of youth centric organizations, such as Kids Can Make A Difference, that also help children and teens find ways to serve both local and international communities and find causes.

Encouraging children to do volunteer work is one of the most important things you can do for them as a parent or leader, and the best part is teenagers love to volunteer! Students who do volunteer work actually do better in school than those who don’t volunteer. In fact, volunteering provides many benefits for teens, it increases self-esteem, creates a sense of value, presents an opportunity to meet new people, leads to the acquisition of valuable new skills, not to mention the amazing memories these opportunities will create. When teenagers serve others, they become empowered; they learn that they can make a difference in the world and are already investing in the future. It is the fuel they need to be the best leaders of tomorrow.

Here are a few ideas of ways children can get involved and give to other children around the globe:

1. Grow and donate your hair to Locks of Love and help a child in the United States or Canada under age 18 suffering from long-term medical hair loss from any diagnosis, get a hairpiece.
2. Visit your local hospital children’s ward, or send drawings and letters of encouragement to children who are suffering from illness or trauma at home or overseas.
3. Collect stuffed animals for local police and rescue personal to give to children who have suffered a tragedy.
4. Make jewelry, or other arts and craft items, to sell and fundraise for your favorite cause.  You can even use items that are already helping those in need like, Paper to Pearls.
5. Hold a concert or play and donate all of your ticket and concession sales to charity.
6. Organize a community yard sale and donate all the money to help children in need overseas, such as AIDS orphans, children affected by conflict or natural disaster, to provide needed childhood immunizations.
7. Ask your school, church, sports team, or scout group to adopt a cause or charity for the year and then host a series of fundraisers such as bake and rummage sales, donation drives, etc.
8. Volunteer at your local homeless shelter or soup kitchen.
9. Collect donated school supplies and backpacks for kids in need around the world.
10. Organize your friends to donate your gently used toys and books then take them to local homeless shelters.
11. Use your talents and interests in a creative way to help others!  Don’t forget the biggest impact you can have is often spreading awareness of the issues children in need have across the globe. So start a blog, host film screenings and spread the word about your causes.

Keep up the spirit of volunteering and share it with your friends and family. You can make a world of difference just by setting an example.  If you have a story of a special child activist or philanthropist, please share in the comments section, for the spirit of giving is truly contagious!
Links to organizations established by, or for, kids:

Resources for Children and Young Adults
JustGive.org Kids Corner - Learn about kids making a difference
Just Give – 50 Ways to Help Children
Starlight’s StarPower program -showcase’s young people working to help other kids.
Children Helping Children - International Musical Charity, holding In-Hospital Concerts and Gala Benefit Concerts
Kids Helping Kids with Nothing
Kids Helping Kids Heal 
Kids Helping Kids
Project Linus New Jersey - Providing handmade blankets and handcrafted toys to children suffering serious illness and trauma.
The Loose Change to Loosen Chains Campaign
Families with Purpose - Community Service Projects
PBS Kids Zoom Team - You can you help the world.

As iconic personalities Oprah Winfrey and Robert Deniro traveled to Haiti on parallel humanitarian and business missions, growing insecurity stole the headlines, threatening to crush the spine of Martelly’s administration, and the spirit of Christmas with it.

Merely 15 days into December, two officers of the Haitian National Police (PNH  French acronym) succumbed to assassins’ murderous bullets on separate incidents, one of whom was incinerated. Criminals also kidnapped prominent Banker Edouard Baussan and a nutritionist, held them in captivity for three days, then released them, though not before collecting an undisclosed large sum of money. Equally alarming, a contributor to Radio Kiskeya narrowly escaped her kidnappers when a police unit intervened, according to the station’s report. The sharp increase in criminal activities around the country came as PNH announced a joint venture with the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH French acronym) to increase security ahead of the Holidays.

During a phone interview, PNH’s spokesperson Gary Desrosiers said officer Moise Saint-Pierre, a member of the Motorized Intervention Brigade (BIM French acronym), left his house early morning on December 10, after receiving a phone call that led him to Santo 17, a northern neighborhood of the capital. There, explained Desrosiers, unidentified assailants ambushed the officer, shot him repeatedly, set him on fire before fleeing with his weapon and motorcycle. Although the police opened an investigation into the gruesome murder, the nature of the crime alarmed leaders, who urged the government to take appropriate measures to protect the vulnerable and struggling population. Saint-Pierre’s murder brought this year’s law enforcement’s death toll to 30 officers, admitted Desrosiers.

PNH's spokesperson Gary Desrosiers. Source: Le Nouvelliste

Many lawmakers, namely Deputies Rony Celestin, Martial Despas and Eloune Doreus, decried the government’s actions as a passive-reactive approach, fearing pervasive crimes would ruin the holiday experience. Talking to Radio Kiskeya, Celestin said that although it visibly manifested around Port-au-Prince, the phenomenon was not idiosyncratic behavior and it had in fact spilled into the Centre Department, where criminals constantly prey on his constituents. For his part, Despas told Kiskeya that the sharp increase in crimes was a by-product of rapid economic decline and growing uncertainties about the future. He also enumerated members of his constituency in the West Department regularly victimized by gangsters. Moreover, Doreus, who represents the Northwest Department, perceived the problem as the enemy of foreign investments, a pillar of President Michel Martelly’s long-term development strategies. Since taking office on May 14, 2011, the President pledged to sell a different image of Haiti and attract investors seeking opportunities, a call Foreign Minister Laurent Lamothe said Robert Deniro answered. The actor traveled to Haiti early last week and met with Haitian officials to discuss his plan to build a five-star hotel in the country. Absent comprehensive efforts to reduce the crime rate, Deputy Doreus said the negative affects would repel potential investors such as Deniro.

Haiti’s 10,500-member police force, entrusted the elephantine task of protecting its population of nearly 10 million people, was far from being passive, argued spokesperson Desrosiers. Although nursing a 1-to-1000 officer-to-citizen ratio, PNH recently authorized several raids that netted many gang leaders, dangerous criminals and fugitives, he told reporters. Through Operation Dragon, a plan Secretary of State for Public Safety Reginald Delva introduced last week, the government would actively pursue gangsters and common criminals, and dismantle their nests, officials explained to Haiti’s century-old daily newspaper Le Nouvelliste. In addition, officials added 300 officers to the capital’s patrolling unit, bringing the total to 1,300.

National Police of Haiti

Beyond PNH’s muscular reinforcement throughout the country’s crime-infested streets, the government also adopted a technical approach it hoped would ensure a joyous holiday season for the population. Announcing his remedial strategies, Prime Minister Garry Conille said, “We will undertake rigorous measures to neutralize criminals and prevent their harassing the population.” Starting January 2012, PNH would recruit 2,000 new officers, he announced to the press. The Prime Minister also introduced “Christmas Solidarity,” a $10 million [400 million Haitian Gourdes (HTG)] social program he said would provide temporary employment for Haitians throughout all nine Departments. The new program would help create 30,000 jobs in industries such as tourism, agriculture and social affairs, declared Conille, who emphasized that the Christmas and New Year program topped his government’s agenda.

In addition, MINUSTAH offered a human rights workshop to seven instructors of the National Police Academy to expose leaders to different scenarios they might face and teach them appropriate courses of action. “These are useful and necessary exchanges that will help agents of the National Police of Haiti overcome numerous challenges and fill relative void pertinent to reinforcing the rule of law,” said Jean Miguelite Maxime, director of the police academy, who felt the workshop would strengthen republican institutions he called the great guarantors of human rights.

State Secretary for Public Safety Reginald Delva. Source: Metropole Haiti

Meanwhile, lawmakers labeled the government’s plan an appeasement method that did not address the immediate threats the population faces. Advocating for a sustainable approach to crime solvency, some senators called on government officials to find more pragmatic solutions to halt the cyclical recrudescence of the phenomenon around the holidays.

From a parallel universe however, investigative reporter and Columnist Cyrus Silbert of online news site Haiti Nation offered a distinct perspective in his article: “Insecurity – Traditional weapon of the Bourgeoisie.” His analysis established a linear relationship between the deteriorating security climate and an élite class determined to preserve the status quo. While the State Secretary for Public Safety conceded insecurity could ruin the holidays, he assured reporters that the government has taken appropriate measures to confront the plaguing problem. “We have taken various measures to guaranty public safety during the holiday season,” he said.

Nevertheless, Silbert exhorted vigilance against a class he said perceived pervasive investment and development rhetoric in Haiti as a growing threat to their long-standing monopoly. “If the Ministries of Interior and Justice don’t get proactive, that is, anticipate issues through constant monitoring,” wrote Silbert, “If the managers of these departments focus solely on their administrative duties, the work of the presidency as well as the Ministry of Foreign affairs will be a complete waste.”

Nobel Laureate and Former Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez. Source: Defend Haiti

“In much of the World, and especially in our region, the military has been the source of the most thankless collective memories,” read a letter former Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sánchez addressed to Haitian President Michel Martelly, advising his Excellency to reevaluate his military plans through historical lenses. “In the best case scenario, the Latin American armies have been prohibitively expensive for our economies and at worse, have meant a permanent source of instability for our democracies,” explained the letter.

President Martelly does not even have to look beyond Haiti’s borders to learn about the destructive effects of militarization. Malignant scars from Duvalier’s merciless army are fresh on the population’s skin, hunting the dreams of its countless victims as do vivid imagery seared into memories over more than a generation. Nevertheless, the president perceived a Haitian army as the bridge to sovereignty, signaling his resolve to fulfill his campaign promise: reconstitute the Armed Forces of Haiti.

In fact, a series of interviews Martelly granted to the press following his first official trip to Venezuela seemed to indicate a president willing to circumvent the Northern powers to pursue his highest ideals. “ Now, if nobody wants to help, then we have to think of a way to get that money to reestablish the army,” the AP quoted Martelly saying in response to the U.S. and Canada’s reluctance to fund his military initiatives. However, the president later admitted to a journalist of El Universal  ,a major Venezuelan daily with an estimated circulation of 150,000 readers, “I found a way to finance this force the same way I’ve found money for the education initiative,” mindful of the global attention he has generated. “I understand that many people are watching what we do carefully,” he added, “But we are open to working with the civil society.” Recently, President Martelly created a commission to study and evaluate the return of his army.

But “Haiti does not need to recreate the army,” countered Nobel laureate Sánchez in his letter published in its entirety on Defend Haiti, an online news organization. Echoing the opponents of militarization, the former leader felt a resourceful, professional and well-trained police force ensuring effective law enforcement and national security would be more beneficial to the country that military aircrafts he said would “never be more powerful than their neighbors’. Sánchez wrote it was no coincidence that Haiti, Guatemala and Nicaragua shared a common history with strong armies and reduced social investments in education and health and occupied the region’s bottom three places in the Human Development Index (HDI) prepared by the UN Development Programme. Reorienting the armies projected budget to social development programs for Haitians and their children, in his views, could be used “To strengthen democratic institutions to ensure minimum political stability in order to restore the confidence of Haitians and the international cooperation, whose help is essential and will remain so for a while longer.”

To his credit however, President Martelly is not the only one with military aspirations; many Haitians strongly support the return of a professional armed forces, especially with anti-UN protests erupting like volcanoes around the country and even the Continent. For many Haitians the army is not a matter of misplaced nostalgia, rather the fabric of the republic. The revolution, Liberation or abolitionist movements and freedom’s ideals were lost, absent the brave indigenous army defeating Napoleon’s forces; hence, the birth of the republic.  In fact, “There is no sovereignty without an army,” proclaimed one Senator conceptualizing the Haitian military roots. Such historical and sentimental contexts often eluded affluent journalists’ reports and editorials that primarily focused on Haiti’s epic poverty and misery, points driven home by the ex-Costa Rican President’s letter.

President Michel Martelly and Foreign Affairs Minister Laurent Lamothe. Source: Le Nouvelliste

“The difference between the population of a country and another is in education, years of schooling, teaching, diversified and full access to information technology and communication,” wrote Sanchez. His parallel drawn between the two countries’ global ranking provided ample evidence supporting his argument; Costa Rica’s HDI ranking was 69 with life expectancy of 79.1 years as opposed to Haiti’s 145-place ranking with a 17.4-year average life expectancy for its children. Nevertheless, President Martelly’s economic and patriotic framing presented equally compelling arguments in the eyes of many Haitian nationals. “But at the same time, why do we need a foreign army to help us? A foreign army that’s costing us much more money,” he told the AP, asking reporters, “Why not hire young Haitians? Why not regain our sovereignty?” UN parades his peacekeeping boots in Haiti on an $800 million annual budget, comparing to the projected $25 million to $30 million annual budget Martelly said it would cost to create and maintain the Haitian pride and self-esteem.

As some political analysts pointed out, President Martelly seemed determined on making the Haitian army the central theme of his presidency, looking South of the Continent as North America and Europe barricaded his ambitions. Therefore, a failed army could highlight his 5-year tenure, as they inferred. For Sanchez however, “Reinstalling the army would be an error,” and that is why he said indifference was not an option. “Haiti can recover its dignity,” concluded his letter, “When all children and young people can see the future with hope and the Caribbean winds blow equally fortunate for everyone,” it insisted. “That’s what the people deserve, Mr. President.”

President Martelly welcomed by President Chavez source: Le Nouvelliste

“The Venezuelan cooperation is now number one,” said President Michel Martelly shortly before boarding his plane to Caracas, land of Hugo Chavez. “It gives most grants and aids to Haiti,” added the president at Toussaint Louverture airport’s diplomatic room ahead of his first official trip to Venezuela as a member of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).
Venezuela’s pledge of $1.3 billion in recovery aid to Haiti after the earthquake slightly surpassed U.S.’s $1.2 billion pledge, making Caracas the largest among all 58 donors. To that, President Martelly said, “We are grateful to President Chavez for Helping us from the bottom of his heart,” in a recent Associated Press interview. “Sometimes for a simple project, it might take too long for the project to happen,” explained the Haitian president, specifically referring to strict conditions accompanying the U.S.’s and other donors’ aids. “If you’re asking me which one flows better, which one is easier,” added Martelly, “I’ll tell you Venezuela.”
This presidential trip to the Venezuelan capital was also part of a larger event: the launching of new 33-member regional bloc CELAC away from Washington and Canada’s shadows. During the two-day summit held form Dec. 2 – Dec.3, 2011,  leaders focused on shielding their economies from the world’s financial meltdown. In spite of global economic woes, the Latin American region achieved a 5 percent economic growth last year. “The economic crisis should be at the center of our concerns,” said Dilma Rousseff who felt the region needed a new paradigm to respond to the crisis. “Together we can be stronger, together we can grow and that should be stronger for everyone,” she added. Her homologous partner Chavez went straight to the point, noting, “As the years go by, CELAC is going to leave behind the old and worn-out OAS,” referring to the Organization of American States, the Hemisphere’s arbitration entity. “Only Unity will make us free,” he later added.
Whether Haiti, a relatively small fish with a foreign aid economic model, can swim huge currents, as do autonomous economies such as OPEC country Venezuela or Dilma Rousseff’s Brazil, currently nursing the world’s fastest growing economy, remains to be determined. Nevertheless, Port-au-Prince’s warm embrace of Caracas differed vastly from that of his predecessor Rene Preval who looked upon Chavez’s motives with suspicions. With the exception of Brazil and Chile, where China has a strong foothold, the U.S. remains the biggest trading partner of many countries in the region. Yet, Chinese President Hu Jintao’s congratulatory letter, which Chavez read aloud to all 33 regional leaders, pledged to deepen cooperation with the new group, development that could shift the region’s geopolitical balance considerably.
Amid this distinct geopolitical puzzle, some observers noticed the emergence of Martelly’s foreign policy model, gearing his country toward his regional allies in search of sovereignty, rather than rigid Washingtonian conditions who stood between him and his army. Only the future will tell if Martelly’s regional play will favor Haiti’s long-term interests, but the president remained true to his ideals. “Now, if nobody wants to help, then we have to think about a way of getting that money,” said the president to the AP about his dream to reestablish the Haitian army. “But at the same time,” he continued. “Why do we need a foreign army to help us? A foreign army that’s costing much more money, why not hire young Haitians? Why not regain our sovereignty?”

Martelly welcomed at CELAC source: Le Nouvelliste

Although he told the AFP in an interview this weekend, “We no longer want handouts, we want to promote Haiti” in his quest to dissociate his country’s imagery with poverty and misery, President Martelly praised a CELAC’s resolution, promising vast contributions to help rebuild Haiti. Contributing countries included, Ecuador in several areas including security, Columbia in security and education, Chile in education to build 10 schools, and Panama that promised to ease travel restrictions for Haitians. A $40 million grant from Brazil will help restart construction of Artibonite’s hydroelectric plant while the new program “Aba Grangou” promised to reach about 100,000 vulnerable single moms with needed assistance starting January 2012.
However, If Washington’s reaction, still unknown, resembles anything like the 1,918 Haiti-related diplomatic cables revealed by whistleblowing website Wikileaks last summer, President Martelly may soon have a rude awakening as did his predecessor. “What emerges,” wrote the editors of the Nation about the diplomatic cables, “Is an extraordinary portrait of Washington’s aggressive management of Latin America’s first sovereign nation and its bare-knuckled tactics on behalf of U.S. corporate interest there.” If as the Nation deducted, the Haiti cables revealed Washington squaring off against Caracas and Havana, while Beijing and Taipei engaged in fierce diplomatic arm-wrestling that threatened to derail the UN military mission in Haiti, Martelly’s foreign policy shift toward regional allies could prove insurmountable.
Nonetheless, the president held nothing back expressing his frustration with the international community. “I’m the leader of a country that has been neglected for the last 200 years,” he stressed to AFP’s Ramon Sahmkow. “It is my responsibility to bring development to Haiti.”

Throughout the four years of covering the war in Bosnia, we male correspondents secretly feared for our female colleagues. We shared all the dangers and challenges except for one — sexual assault. That was a war where bounties were put out for some reporters and rapes camps inflicted horror for local women; as they told us tales of pat downs and searches that got more and more intimate, as anger at the media rose, we feared it was a matter of time.

Well, that time is now. Now we are fully entering into a harrowing and ghastly chapter of the dangers faced by journalists covering today’s conflicts across the Middle East and elsewhere: sexual assault against female journalists.

In one day two weeks ago in Egypt, two more western female journalists were assaulted — one by a mob in the street, the other while in custody in a police station. It has happened before in Egypt earlier this year, both in a high profile case and others not initially reported. It has sadly become an idea that seems to have taken root as a horrifying statement of anger at anyone in the path of some protestors.

Such assaults have happened before, of course, to local and foreign journalists. The difference now is the startling, brutal and brazen increase in the assaults – as well as journalists speaking out to shame their attackers and to bring light on this very real problem.

Where once journalists were considered neutrals, and harmed only when in the wrong place at the wrong time, today we are often targeted for kidnapping, execution and now sexual assault.

More than 30 years as a foreign correspondent offers much eyewitness to this dramatic shift.

In El Salvador in 1982, journalists formed a loosely organized group called the Salvadoran Press Corps Association. One primary purpose was to create a press card that was recognized by both the government and the guerillas to make the job safer. It worked. There were even tee shirts with “Journalist, Don’t Shoot” written on the back in Spanish.

(Of course, that was for FOREIGN journalists. Over the course of the war, 25 local journalists fell victim to the various death squads operating in the country.)

Interestingly, the 1980s wars in Central American were one of the breakout areas for female war correspondents for several reasons: bilingual skills, sheer opportunity and sharp journalism talent. A 1997 paper called The Marginal Majority: Women War Correspondents in the Salvadoran Press Corps Association (SPCA) underscore this historic impact.

In Central American, foreign journalists were the most part safe, unless they dressed like the guerillas they covered and could be mistaken as the enemy by trigger-happy government troops.

Along came the 1991 coup in Haiti and the dangers became more personal to all reporters. Ironically, reporters there feared most of being killed by the anti-coup side – in a macabre way to force the U.S. to intervene. Suddenly, journalists were tools for political use.

After that it accelerated. Daniel Pearl was sought out and murdered, journalists are chosen for kidnappings. The view of journalists being neutral observer, with that modicum of safety, has completely vanished. Now add a rise in sexual assaults.

The Overseas Press Club, of which I serve on the board of governors, along with other groups such as Reporters Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists have recognized this under reported, growing threat. We all must work together to find ways to ensure that our female colleagues are not denied the opportunity to do what they do so well – not from concerned editors who fear they will harmed, nor from those in the streets seeking to do that harm.

A report last summer by CPJ documented this sexual violence either in retaliation for their work or during the course of their reporting. The report includes interviews with 27 local journalists, from top editors to beat reporters, working in regions from the Middle East to South Asia, Africa to the Americas. Five described being brutally raped, while others reported various levels of sexual assault, aggressive physical harassment, and threats of sexual violence. A similar range of experience was reported by 25 international journalists; two reported being raped, five others described serious sexual violation—ranging from violent, sexual touching, to penetration by hands— and 22 said they had been groped multiple times. Most of the reported attacks occurred within the past five years, although a small number of cases date back as far as two decades.

Most interviewed had not previously disclosed their experiences beyond speaking with friends or family. Journalists from all over the world said they largely kept assaults to themselves because of broad cultural stigmas and a lack of faith that authorities would act upon their complaints. But repeatedly they also said they were reluctant to disclose an assault to their editors for fear they would be perceived as vulnerable and be denied future assignments.

Is that the price that must be paid?

This weekend male reporters sharing time while on assignment talked of the insanity of street demonstrations, noting they have long saw Cairo mobs as being particularly dangerous. The chaotic public settings for street demonstration are now prime breeding areas for sexual assaults. Will they silence the messenger?

It seems not. By showing the courage to speak out, the same courage exhibited in their reporting, our colleagues are telling the world they will not stop. Now we must not just hear what has happened but to work to remove the blight.