Testimony of Mansoor Ijaz in London

NADEEM MALIK

OPENING STATEMENT UNDER OATH

I, Musawer Mansoor Ijaz (Ijaz), a citizen of the United States of America, do hereby solemnly swear that the testimony I present in this Witness Statement on oath to the Honourable Commission (the Commission)is the truth as I know it to have occurred based on the evidence in my possession and to the best of my recollection where physical or documentary evidence is not available in reference to the subject matter of this inquiry (the Inquiry).

I submit my testimony as a first person witness to the events herein. I appear in front of this Commission to present the physical evidence in my possession and to allow such evidence as I have to be forensically tested in any manner chosen by competent, independent and unbiased experts retained by the Commission so that the authenticity of these data can be ascertained with certainty. I duly submit this Witness Statement to the Commission as a private citizen of the United States, born in the State of Florida in the year 1961, and bound only by the laws of the United States of America. I state for the record that my loyalties are first and foremost to the national interests of my country of birth. I do not now nor have I ever served in any official position in the US government. I act at the behest of no person in government, outside of government, in any foreign country or in the United States of America.

CONTACT WITH PAKISTAN OFFICIALS

While I maintain high-level political and military/intelligence contacts in nearly two dozen countries around the world, during the past decade, I have had no contact with any Pakistani government official, civilian, judicial, military or intelligence with the following four exceptions (Amb. Haqqani excluded):

(a)2003 when I last interacted with the former director general of Inter-Services Intelligence, Gen. Ehsan ul-Haq, shortly before he left the DG-ISI position in 2004; and,

(b)Nov. 2005 when my wife and I visited the prime minister of Pakistan and some military officers during and after our trip to Kashmir as the earthquake reconstruction period began; and,

(c)May 5, 2009 when I met with President Asif Ali Zardari for 45-50 minutes at the Willard Intercontinental Hotel in Washington DC at the invitation of Amb. Haqqani(Haqqani)to brief the president shortly before he met with US officials at the White House; and,

(d)Oct. 22, 2011 when I met alone with Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, the current DG-ISI, a this request for approximately four hours in London to provide him with the same accounting of facts I provide to the Commission herein.

CONTACT WITH HAQQANI

Over the past decade, I have maintained regular contact with Haqqani through e-mail, BlackBerry chat exchanges, SMS, in-person meetings and telephonic discussions. Often, after the 9-11 attacks, when I was not available for media appearances due to calendar conflicts, I would refer producers to Haqqani as a qualified expert on Pakistan affairs. Haqqani was helpful

and supportive in other important matters, including speaking at one of my charity’s annual

fundraising dinners in June 2009 (please see Exhibit-A for examples of our communications).From the day Haqqani assumed his ambassadorship role, I had no involvement in his Congressional or White House lobbying efforts, no role in his development of the Pakistani-American community or any other aspect of his role as ambassador other than assisting in the ways we were able to after the 2005 Kashmir earthquake.

At no time during Haqqani’s ambassadorial tenure have I lobbied anyone for Pakistan, acted as an agent of the Pakistani government or represented any foreign interest lobbying for a particular outcome. I acted in this matter purely as a friend in my private capacity trying to assist Haqqani in communicating his message in ways that only he dictated, characterized and gave authority for, not in any way to be construed as diplomatic or official activity. Other than as disclosed above, I maintain no active relationships of any type electronic, e-mail contact, telephonic contact, BlackBerry messenger contact or SMS contact with anyone living in Pakistan. I have no close relatives living or alive in Pakistan. I have no business interests in Pakistan. I have no political interests in Pakistan. I have never been involved in any political party, political organization or given a single political contribution in Pakistan to any candidate for high office, or sitting elected official. In short, I have no material ties to Pakistan other than my birth parents.

EVENTS OF MAY 9, 2011 UNTIL MAY 12, 2011

The events I describe herein are a factual recantation of my interactions with Haqqani on the dates of May 9th, May 10th, May 11th and May 12th of 2011, and then again starting on October10, 2011, the date on which an opinion piece I authored was published in the Financial Times entitled “Time to take on Pakistan’s jihadist spies.”

The text of this opinion article has already been entered into the record on the date of the Court’s Order.

I had further material interactions with Haqqani on October 28, 2011 and November 1, 2011. At no time did I meet Haqqani in person. All communications were electronic / telephonic.

The events of the three and a half days in May will be summarized in Tabular form in order to show the type of communication (telephone, e-mail, BlackBerry chat, PIN message and handwritten notes), a brief description of each type of communication, and where a communication was evidenced by physical documentation or electronic messages those are attached hereto as labeled exhibits. My recollections of the discussions in telephone calls a replaced in quotations where attributed to Haqqani. Where the dialogue uses coded words or phraseology that may not be apparently clear to the Court, I have put annotations to explain what was intended by the language used.

RESERVATION NOTICE

I reserve the right to amend this Witness Statement at a future date once forensic examination of my electronic BlackBerry device is complete. There are certain messages (PIN, SMS, etc) that may be archived in backup volumes that I am presently unaware of, having not seen any of those messages since June 2011 when the last monthly backup was made. I have chosen not to retrieve these messages from my computer hard drives which normally roll off after a thirty (30) day period in the device until a certificate that my BlackBerry device has not been tampered with and contains original data in it can be provided. The backup data will only be reviewed once the forensic examination is complete. I would also ask the Commission’s permission to spend about20-30 minutes in explaining how BlackBerry handsets work and why the knowledge of BB operations are so critical to the analysis of data in this matter. Finally, certain Explanation comments that I have noted are for “In Camera” hear in gs only because the disclosures are not appropriate for this statement that can be viewed by others. Please note in the tabular formats set forth below, line numbered for convenience, the following legend: BBM = BlackBerry Messenger chat exchange SMS = Short Message exchangeE-M = E-MAIL sent or received CALL = Telephone OUT to recipient or received IN (numbers withheld for “In Camera” briefing)

TBA = To Be Announced (for those messages referenced but held on backup hard drives)All dates are shown in MONTH/DAY/YEAR format. All times given are Central European Time (CET) in military time format.

HAQQANI BLACKBERRY PIN NUMBERS

I submit for the Commission’s records the two PIN numbers that are unique in the BlackBerry system of communications that were used by Haqqani during our communications by BBM Messenger. The first one, 2326A31D, was used in May. The second, 287EF1E9, was used in the October and November exchanges up until at least November 5th or 6th when I noticed he had disabled me as a BBM contact. I wish to additionally inform the Commission that in the intervening weeks since Haqqani once again changed his BlackBerry PIN, I have been informed

by two important official sources (whom I shall identify “In Camera”) that attempts may have

been or are being made to manipulate, erase, delete or otherwise distort data in the electronic devices of Haqqani that could confirm the data I have provided herein as fact. Additionally, it may be noted by the Commission that both the Interior Minister of Pakistan as well as Haqqani have confirmed that some form of electronic messaging and commstook place with me. Yet Haqqani continues to deny the entirety of any exchanges, for example, as those set forth in this Statement. So which is it? Did he communicate with me or not? If so, where is that data and who has access to it today?

TELEPHONE CALL SUMMARIES

CALL #1

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05/09/2011 IJAZ TO HAQQANI

–

12:35:49

–

DURATION 16:03

I called Haqqani at the London Intercontinental Hotel, Room 430 as he had requested a few minutes earlier by BlackBerry messenger. We had not spoken by telephone for some time, so we briefly exchanged pleasantries. I asked him what he was doing in London he simply said it was a private visit and moved on to the subject matter at hand. There was an elevated stress in his voice. He spoke rapidly, almost randomly at times. Several times I had to ask him during the call to slow down so I could get the notes down from what he was trying to tell me. He explained that the bin Laden raid had created severe stresses between the army/intelligence organs of Pakistan and the civilian branch of government. Referencing some meeting that had

taken place “72 hours ago” between the army chief, the prime minister and the president, he said there was a “collective jute chalak y” [my spelling phonetically because I do not know what these words mean as my
Urdu is quite rudimentary] between the army and ISI to pin the blame of the bin Laden failure on President Zardari’s administration.

He said the US and British were “beating the shit out of us” to get information in the raid’s aftermath about how bin Laden had been on Pakistani soil for so long. He said in clear words that I wrote on my notepad as he said them, “the Army wants to bring the government down”. He then said he needed my help.

I asked in which sense and he informed me that it was urgent to get a message verbally to “the Americans” that the Obama administration needed to back the army down. He said this was a “1971 moment” a reference I did not understand at all at the time he first made it and had to ask him at the end of the call to clarify for me because he repeatedly referred to this phrase during the call. He then immediately stated his preference for the right person to give this as yet undefined verbal message to was Adm. Mike Mullen, then chairman of the US joints chiefs of staff because (a) he was one of the few people who Gen. Kayani would listen to and (b) he was about to chair a meeting with a Pakistani delegation a two days later in Washington (Wednesday, May 11, 2011).I informed him that I did not know Adm. Mullen. I asked him why he needed me to do this for him when he had so many other ways to do it and he said in his official position, it was impossible to get such a message to the Americans without risking the possibility of detection by

ISI or the military officers he had around him at the embassy in DC. He said I was “plausibly deniable” as a conduit and that no one would ever believe if this got public in those days he had come to me for such kind of help. I made it clear that I had long ago given up the role of a back-channel communicator and that I would do it for him as a friend only if I could get someone on the US side to agree to deliver a message to Adm Mullen in the timeframe Haqqani had requested.

I then asked him whose authority he was acting on behalf of. He was vague. Not evasive, just vague. He said there was a like-minded group of people in Islamabad that would be brought on board by “the boss” a reference I understood to mean President Asif Ali Zardari as the new national security team once tensions had dissipated. He mentioned two names I recognized (Jehangir Karamat and Mahmud Durrani) but added that they would be approached once this was all over a point I took to mean they were unaware of this operation in advance. I then asked him what the message was that he wanted delivered and by when exactly it had to be in Mullen’s hands. He dictated a series of points to me, many of which are contained on the two pages of handwritten notes, and the rest were typed into a blank e-mail template at the point I asked him to pause because I couldn’t keep handwritten pace with his verbal speed while holding the phone to my ear at the same time. The balance of notes, typewritten into the blank e-mail template, ultimately became the basis of the first draft of the written memorandum that I sent him at 18:32 on May 9, 2011. The handwritten notes are explained further under EXHIBIT B explanations. We concluded the 16-minute phone call by agreeing to use certain coded words in our BBM chat exchanges during the following two days until the effort was concluded. These are enumerated as each chat took place in the “Explanation” column of Table 1

CALL #2

05/09/2011 IJAZ TO GEN. JONES

12:58:06

DURATION 02:25

I called Gen. Jones at home. His wife picked up and said he was jogging. I explained the importance. As I rarely called at home that early in the morning, she understood it was important and said she would get in touch with him while he was running and get him to call me back in about an hour when he was in. I gave her a brief overview that the matter had to do with a rapidly devolving situation on the ground in Pakistan and that I had been asked to get an urgent message into a senior administration official. I did not go into details. I did not give names.

CALL #3

05/09/2011 IJAZ TO LAWYER #1

13:01:27

DURATION 04:47

As a parallel track, I immediately called my outside counsel, whose name I am withholding pending an “In Camera” hearing on this matter, in Washington DC he is a former senior government official from the administration of Pres. George H W Bush working at one of Washington’s most prominent and largest law firms. I called him because I knew he had a wide array of contacts available for us to explore how else we might approach Adm. Mullen if I was unable to persuade Gen. Jones to pass the message on. I explained the situation at hand inoutline form only. I explained under attorney-client privilege that Haqqani had asked me to assist him, that the tone of my earlier discussion with Haqqani indicated to me that something serious was amiss in Islamabad and that if we could help we should. His principal concern was under whose authority such a sensitive message was being delivered. I explained that Haqqani generally enjoyed the complete confidence of the president in Pakistan, and that I understood the impetus for this operation was coming from Pres. Zardari in the broader sense, if not operationally. He told me there were two options available to us through the law firm, one a senior US political figure now in private life and the other an acting officer of the US government who knew Adm. Mullen well. He told me he would get in touch with both andreport back to me later in the day (it was 7am in Washington at the time I reached him)

CALL #4

05/09/2011 GEN. JONES TO IJAZ

13:54:31

DURATION 19:26

Gen. Jones called me back from his private cell number around 8am his time in Virginia. I recapped the entire Haqqani call (please see summary of Call #1 for details). His first reaction was to say he didn’t particularly trust Pakistani officials (generally, not specifically), and that in his experience through government work with them, they often made verbal promises that they didn’t keep. He said he would not consider taking any message to Adm. Mullen if it wasn’t in writing. Gen. Jones also insisted on having higher political authority than Haqqani, whom he had grown to be somewhat skeptical of over time, if and when he decided to go ahead. We went through the points Haqqani wanted relayed, which took the bulk of the time on the call. He commented that while compelling, it sounded like an opposition group’s agenda. I made clear that it was morelike a change of players under a sitting head of state whose new ground rules and agenda were so diametrically different than the old that it (Haqqani’s desired message) could give off that impression. I gave Jones some background on my relationship with Haqqani and told him that Haqqani would never have come to me if it wasn’t serious because of my past tensions with the senior leaders of Pakistan, no matter whether military, intelligence, political of any party persuasion.

Jones’s skepticism remained throughout the call, but in the final analysis he said he would do it as a favor for me if I could get the message to him in writing with the appropriate political authority. We agreed to be in touch later in the day once I had gotten Haqqani on board with the NO VERBAL, ONLY WRITTEN demand and I had further explained to Haqqani that Jones wanted certain knowledge of the appropriate political authority and consent for this operation before delivering the message to Adm. Mullen.

CALL #5

05/09/2011 HAQQANI TO IJAZ

18:28:45

DURATION 02:34

During this call, I informed Haqqani that one of the three choices on the US side was insisting onhaving the message in writing, with higher political authority than Haqqani alone, to go forward. I informed him that I had taken the precautionary step, given the tight time constraints, to prepare a written draft based on the notes I took in the first call and that I had tried to reach him earlier in the day to let him know about the in-writing constraint. He agreed and told me to send him the draft in writing for his review. I then asked him to clarify what he meant by “discipline” in the nuclear program a point he had made in the written notes earlier and whether the point he made about US Vice President Biden on the “blank sheet” agreement on nukes and Kashmir should be included in the preamble paragraphs. He said no. I also asked him whether he wanted names included in the paragraph mentioning the new national security team he said no. Finally, I asked him whether he wanted any characterization of the army chief, prime minister, president’s meeting included this is when he gave me the information about the CIA station chief’s name being outed and the phraseology about “no central control being in place” as a result of the stresses in Islamabad during the previous days.After inserting a few of the necessary comments into the e-mail draft, I sent the draft to Haqqaniat 18:32. We closed the call by noting my mail to him would come in a few minutes as well as the message’s delivery timing and logistics.

CALL #6

05/09/2011 LAWYER #1 TO IJAZ

23:49:10 & 23:55:21

DURATION 05:28 & 09:58

During these two calls

the first with my outside general counsel, the second a conf call with a third party, we explored the requirements posed by two other possible candidates to deliver the message to Adm. Mullen. My counsel informed me that he had reached a close aide of the active US government officer who knew Adm. Mullen well, and that he wanted to have a conference call with me to listen to how we wanted to do this and what the US official wanted from us as performance parameters before agreeing to our request. We then agreed that the US political personality was out due to slow response. We followed up this call with a 10-minute conference call with the US official’s trusted friend.

We discussed two possibilities the first was to have the US official arrange a private meeting between myself and Adm. Mullen so I could deliver a verbal message as Haqqani had initially preferred. This approach had two problems

I was a nine hour airplane ride away from Washington and there simply wasn’t enough time to match Adm. Mullen’s busy schedule with my getting in the air before the Wed. meeting was to have taken place. The second problem was my personal hesitation to carry a verbal message given what Gen. Jones had told me in his first call about the unreliability of Pakistani officials saying one thing and doing another. The second possibility discussed was for us to have the US official deliver the message, in writing, to Adm. Mullen. This posed two different challenges the US official was unwilling to do it as a “non paper” (a message delivered in writing on paper without signature or letterhead between governments). He insisted on the message being on letterhead with appropriate signature. This conference call made it clear that the 2nd potential US interlocutor was simply not the right solution.

CALL #7

05/10/2011 HAQQANI TO IJAZ

00:30:55

DURATION 01:17

I informed Haqqani that two of the three options for transmission were out, why they were out

and that in order to proceed with the third option I needed him to confirm the memo’s draft form

or send me his changes, and I needed his confirmation that he had the Pakistani government’s highest political authority to proceed. He said he would review the memo during the night. On authority, he said something like “don’t worry about that, I’ve got it sorted out with the boss.”

Haqqani also quickly informed me at the end of the conversation that I needed to remove Point 6on the list because it was already agreed by the Pakistani authorities in the intervening hours since we had last spoken.

CALL #8

05/10/2011 IJAZ TO GEN. JONES

00:33:05

DURATION 01:39

I called Gen. Jones immediately to say that he would transmit the message, that I had confirmation from Haqqani of his authority to proceed from the highest political level and that I would be sending the memorandum over shortly with a request that he hold on to it until I had Haqqani’s final word in the morning (Tue, 10 May). I told Gen. Jones that given the fluidity of events on the ground, it was best that he waited until at least midday on Tuesday before puttingthe Memo in Adm. Mullen’s hands. I recall asking him whether he preferred WORD.DOC files or .PDF files for printing purposes and I sent him both types of files later in the night so that if there were last minute changes and I was not in front of a computer, he could make the necessary changes himself with me giving him Haqqani’s changes by telephone.

CALL #9

05/10/2011 IJAZ TO HAQQANI

09:06:16

DURATION 11:16

During this call on the morning of May 10th, I asked Haqqani if he had any last minute changes to the Memorandum, and then informed him that I had sent it to the US interlocutor earlier in the night so that if there were no changes, we were ready to deliver to Mullen later that day, before Haqqani had planned to leave London .We went through the architecture of the Memo, focusing this time on the opening paragraph and confirming the new signature paragraph (from whom did this document come) that had been added in. We reviewed briefly the six agenda points.I then asked him one last time to confirm he had the authority from the highest political level to proceed with the operation because Gen. Jones (who remained anonymous to Haqqani) would not proceed without that understanding from me and he said, “I’ve got the boss’s approval; go ahead”. I told him we would n

eed to wait until just after lunchtime for me to reach the US interlocutor and give the final delivery instruction.We discussed briefly his schedule for return to the US and next contact time, and when I wouldbe given the time of the Wednesday meeting with Mullen.

CALL #10

05/12/2011 IJAZ TO HAQQANI

01:09 ON MMI US CELL

DURATION 04:00

Haqqani informed me about the results of the meeting with Mullen. He said a “call will go outfrom Washington to Pindi [Rawalpindi?] tonight.” and that he was sa

tisfied the intervention hadworked. We clarified the M remark in my BBMs, he thanked me and the call ended.

RATIONALE FOR WRITING THE Financial Times ARTICLE

Much confusion has been introduced by media analysts, critics and supporters alike about the motivations and agendas that may have led me to publish the initial FT article on October 10,2011. I state for the record that there was no external impetus given to me to write the initial article, neither from any individual, nor from any governmental body US or foreign nor anyother source in any manner whatsoever. Since 1996, when I published my first article in The Wall Street Journal, I have published over 125 opinion pieces in only the most reputable journals and newspapers around the world, and have appeared extensively on television and radio as ananalyst regarding political, security and business issues. I have also had numerous articles written about my citizen diplomacy initiatives in Sudan, Kashmir, Pakistan and elsewhere.In recent years, I have reduced my writings dramatically, writing only a few times a year when a major political or geopolitical event takes place that bears consequence on subject matters thatinterest me. Pakistan generally, and more specifically the struggle to bring a secure and stable democracy to the fore without hidden agendas, corrupt practices and the venality that is so often present in modern day Pakistani rulers military and civilian alike is a major topic on which I have written often in the past. If the Commission so wishes, I am happy to provide a full reference list for my past writings on Pakistan.

I further state for the record that my sole motivation in writing the Oct. 10th FT article was to enunciate a policy prescription I believed was in the best national security interests of the United States about how best to deal with Directorate S of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence. The impetus for the article, which I drafted the first thoughts for on 24 September 2011, arose from testimony offered by Adm. Mullen in his final appearance before the Senate Armed Services Committee in which he called the Haqqani network of terrorists a “veritable arm” of the ISI, among other very strong comments.

The reaction in Pakistan’s media to Adm. Mullen’s statement was immediate, and as it has been in my case under the glare of the Mullen Memorandum controversy, was shrill and unabashed in lambasting a high-ranking military officer of the United States who served our country honorably for 43 years. While Adm. Mullen needed no defense from my writings, I felt it was important for US policymakers to know that an effort which involved Adm. Mullen himself back in May had been made to reign in Directorate S of ISI, and it so happened that to source this material for my

opinion piece, I referenced the memorandum as the “peg”

as it is called in journalism to base my opinions on. There was no malicious intent involved in bringing the memorandum into the opening paragraph. The description I gave was the bare minimum of facts that were needed in order to give my opinion piece the authenticity it required for the policy prescription to be given any weight. I had written more or less exactly the same opinion article on June 2, 2011 for Newsweek / Daily Beast Company

http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2011-06-02/pakistans-isi-spy-agency-s-wing-and-terrorism/

after learning of the death of Saleem Shahzad, without material effect in the inquiry of my arguments. Clearly, introducing the memorandum into the FT opinion article strengthened the argument because it gave it the needed authenticity. Editors at the FT who normally evaluate my opinion columns for publication have tended in the past to choose those articles of mine that begin with some historical anecdote to anchor the article’s policy prescriptions and opinions. This article was no different, other than the anecdote was in the form of a “first person” analysis.

If the Commission so requests, I will make available my internal correspondence with the FT editors to provide evidence of this fact. I would like to note, for the Commission’s interest, that Haqqani sent me the following BBMchat on June 4, 2011 to which I responded and he then wrote a reply please see the following screen shots:

I apologize to the Commission for the frank exchange of language between Haqqani and myself, but this is evidence of the type of relationship we shared together. Message time-stamped 02:18was first message from Haqqani. I replied the next day. Message in second screen time-stamped18:05 was his reply. One final point of note on this subject matter: some sections of the media have questioned why it took so long for the opinion piece to be published in the FT from the date of Adm. Mullen’s

statement. As you are most certainly aware, FT is a financial newspaper whose editorial pages are reserved primarily for finance discussions, not matters of security and foreign policy. As Europe has been engulfed in perhaps the most important financial crisis it has suffered since the introduction of the Euro, the Eurozone crisis dominated the editorial pages of the FT for those weeks, and my opinion article which dealt with matters much further away and unrelated to the major editorial thrust, simply was placed on a date that was convenient to the FT’s editorial calendar. I had no control over that decision and again, at the Commission’s request, I amprepared to make my internal communications with the editors available in this specific regard.

EVENTS OF NOTE AFTER THE Financial Times

ARTICLE APPEARS

Haqqani sent me a BlackBerry message around 21:50 GMT on the evening of October 10, 2011, shortly after my opinion article had been published on the FT’s website. It read: “This FT op-ed of yours is a disaster”. Before I had a chance to see it and respond, he telephoned me at 21:57GMT in a somewhat panicked voice, reiterating what he had just said by BBM message and then asking me whether there were any other “senior Pakistani diplomats” I knew in Islamabad that he could name to throw the “press hounds of my scent”. I responded by querying why the op-ed was such an issue for him and what he was so upset about. He replied simply by saying everyone would now assume it was he who was the brainchild of the Memorandum and that I understood nothing about Pakistan’s domestic situation. It was a short call lasting only 00:45.

At the time of this writing, I do not yet have the hard copy details of my October telephone bills to give the exact time and date of the second call I received from Haqqani

it was about 5 or 6days before I met with Gen. Shuja Pasha in London. My recollection of that call is as follows: Haqqani called to inform me he had just learned that Gen. Pasha was coming to London. I expressed disinterest and lack of knowledge. He expressed some anxiety over my disinterest and said something to the effect of “what’s going on here” a clear reference to his skepticism of my disinterest. He did not ask once during that call whether I had been approached to see Gen. Pasha. His only concern was whether Gen. Pasha would be meeting with the FT editors in London, whether I knew anything about it and whether I would do him the favor of intervening with the FT editors to insure they did not provide Gen. Pasha with a copy of the Memorandum or any other evidence that I had provided the editors when I wrote the opinion piece. I responded by again asking him, as I had on the night of May 10, 2011, why he was so paranoid about the Memorandum and whether we had done something wrong in delivering it to Adm. Mullen. His response was to simply reiterate that I understood nothing about Pakistan’s domestic political situation and that there were some who would say Haqqani “was playing for your [U.S.A.] side” if the content of the Memorandum was revealed in public. I told him that I did not believe the FT editors would take a meeting with Gen. Pasha without a lot of advance work being done about purpose, etc and the call ended.

SUMMARY OVERVIEW OF MEETING WITH DG-ISI LT. GEN. SHUJA PASHA

I was contacted by a person, whose real name I do not know to this day, on or about the 16th of October to see whether I would be willing to meet with Gen. Pasha. I inquired purpose and proposed location. Purpose: to determine the truthful facts surrounding the content of the Memorandum and its genesis (authorship, operational details of the effort to get it delivered to Adm. Mullen, etc). Location: London was the most convenient location for both of us to meet. After discussing the implications of such a meeting going ahead with my in-house legal counsel and my family, I agreed to take the meeting. We met on the evening of 22nd October in London at the Park Lane Intercontinental Hotel, Room210, from approximately 1830hrs until 2230hrs, according to my records. There was one person

I believe the logistics manager of the meeting with Gen. Pasha when I was shown into the room by a member of his security detail and that person shook hands with me and left the room promptly.

I brought my electronic devices and a notepad to the meeting. We both agreed to take batteries out of our telephones while we spoke. The telephones were stored in a drawer near the table we sat at. Gen. Pasha brought a notepad as well. After being seated face to face at a small dining table, Gen. Pasha opened the meeting by stating his purpose in asking to meet me. He made clear he was not there to interrogate but rather to understand with evidence supporting my statements what exactly had happened in the days in question. He made clear he was in London with the consent of the army chief, Gen. Kayani. He made clear he did not know who I was prior to the meeting, and had asked one of his researchers to prepare a dossier for his review. He asked me to give him my own summary of my background, partly to allow me to introduce myself, but also to separate fact from fiction in the dossier he held. Each comment I made was later backed up during the meeting by evidence I showed him on my computer about my background, life, family and businesses. I made clear to him at the outset of the meeting that I had agreed to the meeting on the basis that it was entirely possible in my mind given the adverse reactions Haqqani had shown me on the two telephone calls I had with him prior to this meeting that Haqqani did not properly inform the government of Pakistan of his activities, and that if anything he had done was against the laws of Pakistan, in violation of the Constitution of Pakistan or the rules of international diplomacy as agreed between the US and Pakistan, it was possible that myself, Gen. Jones and Adm. Mullen had become unwitting accessories to these possible wrongdoings. For that reason alone, whether I liked or disliked the ISI, whether I had written against it or the military or any other organ of the Pakistani state, I felt the responsibility to share the facts with him and to understand whether there was any possible wrongdoing on our part collectively as US citizens that had assisted Haqqani in transmitting the message to Adm. Mullen. I also made clear to Gen. Pasha that I did not want to personally be involved in any debriefing of

him that would lead to a disruption of the civilian government’s normal business he responded by making clear that it was his and Gen. Kayani’s deep desire to see a government complete its term, but that the rumors of what was contained in the Memorandum from a content perspective could simply not be ignored. On this basis, we agreed to start the meeting in good faith with him questioning openly without constraints and me answering in the most truthful and complete manner possible. He asked me about my relationship with Haqqani (length, frequency of contact, type of contact, etc). He queried me about my interactions with prior Pakistani ambassadors in the United States, as well as past political leaders (Bhutto, Sharif, Musharraf, etc). After my initial set of answers about 30 minutes into the meeting he went to the door of the room and informed the security person that “this is going to take a while”.

We then began the data debriefing. We went through the information that has been provided in this Witness Statement line by line so that I could explain what had happened in those three and a half days. He asked questions, at times looked a bit astonished at what he was seeing but at no time did he offer any assessment of the data other than to indicate that the records were “clear and convincing” evidence. We took the bulk of the four hour meeting to do the data debrief. In my recollection, Gen. Pasha read the Memorandum itself in about three or four minutes, demonstrated surprise and dismay at times disgust and disappointment over the content of the document. He did not ask a single question about the content of the document other than if I was willing to divulge the names of the others besides Haqqani that he had told me were to be part of the new national security team. I did so with the caveat that I did not believe either Karamat or Durrani knew anything about the plan to deliver the Memorandum, the contents of the Memorandum or the mindset of Haqqani and those behind him in dreaming up the scheme. At the point during the meeting where he learned of the three US people I had approached to deliver the Memorandum to Adm. Mullen, he asked me how I knew each of them, how well and to briefly summarize my requests of them in terms of why, who was involved, under what authority and in which modality such delivery might take place with each person. Intermittently during the data debrief, I would open my computer or my BlackBerry device and point out how the data was stored, transmitted, displayed, etc. He then carefully analyzed dates, times, “properties” of my Microsoft documents to see when the documents were created and how

they fit into the timeline I was stating, looked at the original telephone bill logs, checked the time at which each BBM message was sent or received and reviewed my handwritten notes. Contrary to media reports, at no time did Gen. Pasha try to send a BBM message to Haqqani from my handset. He recorded the PIN numbers that I had for Haqqani, both the old one and the new one Haqqani did not yet have the third PIN at that time that he would ultimately obtain. Gen. Pasha did ask to see how I stored e-mail addresses and to see the ones I had for Haqqani one from his private university mailbox (Boston Univ.) and one for official use at the embassy in Washington. There were no other issues relevant to this subject matter discussed during the meeting. It ended on a cordial note with Gen. Pasha thanking me for providing a clear record of events and asking if it was okay to follow up if other questions arose in the aftermath of his further investigation into the matter.

BBM CHAT EXCHANGES WITH HAQQANI ON 28 OCT 2011

approx 21:55 until 22:33 CET

Participants:Mansoor IJAZ, Husain HaqqaniMessages:

Husain Haqqani: you can keep saying you delivered a message and show bbm convos to prove it Husain Haqqani: Basically you don’t get itHusain Haqqani: You have given hardliners in Pak Mil reason to argue there

was an effort to get US to conspireagainst Pak MilHusain Haqqani: You are a US citizenHusain Haqqani: You are supposed to look after US interestsMansoor IJAZ: I wrote one article. Have not said one word on the record since then to anyone. I think your press isworking both sides against the middle, trying to force something out of anyone they can. Period. I don’t play in thatgameHusain Haqqani: In Pak political situation, getting burned as a US stooge undermines one’s effectivenessHusain Haqqani: I will make sure FO shuts upHusain Haqqani: Let this die downHusain Haqqani: We are in the rightHusain Haqqani: We will still make things happenMansoor IJAZ: Okay, well I know my IQ is pretty low so you are probably correct in saying I just don’t get it.Husain Haqqani: The Pak press be damnedHusain Haqqani: I stand by you as a man of integrity werving his countryHusain Haqqani: You don’t let ppl back home argue I play for your team, not oursMansoor IJAZ: But from my point of view, if there was a real threat, as you stated at the time, it is clear you weretrying to save a democratic structure from those hawksHusain Haqqani: You get to write the book on how you changed US-Pak dynamic and won the war in A’tan (w/ somehelp from a Paki nerd) Mansoor IJAZ: I was happy to get the message in the back door because it served American interests to preserve thedemocratic civilian setup and the offers made, if achieved, were very much congruent with American objectives inthe regionHusain Haqqani: True that, friend. But you know premature revelation ain’t goodMansoor IJAZ: As far as I can see, we did right. Unless there is something I don’t see here. But then I’m sorta dumbfrom down on the farm where them hillbillies liveHusain Haqqani: Hey! Don’t run down hillbilliesHusain Haqqani: Even the smartest can miss a piece of the puzzleHusain Haqqani: You are assuming there are no powerful men in Pak willing to break w/ US. Premature revelationgives those ppl reason to claim ‘conspiracy’, ‘treason’Husain Haqqani: That is all you missed. Period.Husain Haqqani: And no one else might tell you this, you’re becoming irritable and losing your sense of humor asyou grow oldHusain Haqqani: Let this one go. There is much to do. MUCH. And then, there’s the beach where I’ve been waitingto be invited, the slum boy visiting the millionaireMansoor IJAZ: I’m not a millionaire. But I do know a nice piece of beach!Husain Haqqani: I’m not a slum boy either but I know how to make friends with smart people with a sense of history:PMansoor IJAZ: Jesus, then what the fuck are you doing hanging around with me? =DHusain Haqqani: We’ll make things happen and if we can’t, we’ll write a book about itHusain Haqqani: Who said I was hanging around witjh you. A minute ago I thought you were about to hang me Mansoor IJAZ: :OMansoor IJAZ: Really?Husain Haqqani: Look, Isloo is a mess. Journos gone wild. Politicos scared of mil. Mil scared of Yanks.Mansoor IJAZ: Tell me one important thing. Who likes you and who hates you in the US establishment? Who wantsyou to stay and who wants to fuck you up?

Husain Haqqani: The debate abt your oped has caused my detractors to put pressure on my bossHusain Haqqani: In US estab, I can count on Leon and PetraeusMansoor IJAZ: I thought YOU were the boss!Mansoor IJAZ: Who is against you?Husain Haqqani: Folks at State don’t like meMansoor IJAZ: Why?Mansoor IJAZ: Too close to AZ?Husain Haqqani: They think I am too mixed up w/ DoD and others and do not help them cut deals w/ Pak milHusain Haqqani: Close to AZ bit tooHusain Haqqani: They are wrong re DoD and others.Husain Haqqani: It is just that becoz of A’tan, they are more imp than StateMansoor IJAZ: I always thought HRC was one of your fans. She even has a lady from our parts working with herHusain Haqqani: It is folks at State who got pissed off by your missionHusain Haqqani: She may be but I was Holbrooke’s buddy so everyone who hates him hates meHusain Haqqani: I have no time for just pushing paper aroundHusain Haqqani: State likes processMansoor IJAZ: Which mission? Sudan, Kashmir, there were so many they got pissed off about. I showed them howto do real American diplomacy and that was like a big pile of shit on their desk they couldn’t swallowHusain Haqqani: Conferences, statements–with nothing changingHusain Haqqani: The latest oneMansoor IJAZ: Yeah, I got it. You’re right!Mansoor IJAZ: Anyway, State will always hate me because I don’t accept their muddling way of doing thingsHusain Haqqani: I don’t know for a fact but I won’t be surprised if the FO statement was prompted by someone hereHusain Haqqani: Robin Raphel is back as Grossman’s deputyHusain Haqqani: You stepped on her toes w/ Kashmir missionMansoor IJAZ: That would be typical. But Grossman knows me and he knows how serious I am. Raphael still hatesme for the Kashmir intervention where she did everything she could to fuck me upHusain Haqqani: And now they hate me more when folks back home who hate me tell them you and I might havebeen together on s’thing (whether we were or not is irrelevant to them)Husain Haqqani: Grossman is good but he doesn’t like anyone playing a larger than life role. Old schoolHusain Haqqani: That’s why I have been requesting you to let this one goMansoor IJAZ: Yeah I know. Found that out when he was our lobbyist. But he’s a good guyHusain Haqqani: That takes attention off meMansoor IJAZ: Hmmmmmmmmm……. Not sure anything could take attention off youHusain Haqqani: I try and make peace with State and focus on battles at homeHusain Haqqani: HaHa Mansoor IJAZ: Diplomacy at its finest!!!Husain Haqqani: Yeah, right! But at least I shd not be painted as playing for your teamMansoor IJAZ: Why not? You were a good quarterback for those three days!!Husain Haqqani: I want to solve f***ing problems not fight a rearguard action all the timeHusain Haqqani: Husain Haqqani: Let us wait and see if Hillary’s latest foray changes things in any directionMansoor IJAZ: Did we really solve a true problem or was this all smoke and mirrors?Mansoor IJAZ: I mean on those days of stress…Husain Haqqani: View here is that everyone in Isloo sucks!Mansoor IJAZ: That’s pretty much true!!!!Husain Haqqani: Too early to say re solutionMansoor IJAZ: But if they all suck, then what did we save — a sinking ship that was going to sink anyway???Husain Haqqani: And there is a genetic problem at that end, predisposed to going round and round in circlesMansoor IJAZ: Yup!! That’s for damn sureHusain Haqqani: I think we save the situation from an extremely violent outcomeMansoor IJAZ: How can you solve the problems you understand so well from here if all the people in charge overthere are wrong? It’s only one year til we have a change in the US. Then you really won’t like who we have here!Husain Haqqani: I mean, Iran might have done better if the Shah had been saved AND some true reform introducedHusain Haqqani: Actually, I think the new ppl here might be better to deal with

Husain Haqqani: They won’t take lies easilyMansoor IJAZ: Don’t bet on it. We have a lot of extremists cropping up and seeping into the systemMansoor IJAZ: They don’t trust anything PakistaniMansoor IJAZ: Don’t matter what it isHusain Haqqani: Well, in that case find me a cheap piece of beachMansoor IJAZ: Cain, Romney (who hates Muslims), Perry — its all the same crapMansoor IJAZ: Hmmmmm, yes, I can arrange thatMansoor IJAZ: Why is Z such an idiot?Husain Haqqani: But don’t go off writing opeds abt arranging piece of beach w’out consulting first Husain Haqqani: HaHa! Tough questionHusain Haqqani: I have a speech in 20 mins so let’s keep that for laterHusain Haqqani: Bye for nowMansoor IJAZ: Okay. Good luck.Husain Haqqani: Thank you!

BBM CHAT EXCHANGES WITH HAQQANI ON 01 NOV 2011

–

22:06, then 22:31 until 23:03

Participants:Mansoor IJAZ, Husain Haqqani Messages:

Mansoor IJAZ: Hi buddy, I understand you/ your foreign office hacks are commissioning hatchet pieces against me.Unfortunate…. very unfortunate Husain Haqqani: I will enquire and stop them. There’s no need for any of this.Husain Haqqani: You haven’t helped by engaging so much w/ Pak media.Husain Haqqani: What happened to the ‘silent soldier’?Mansoor IJAZ: I issued a statement that was designed to put an end to all of this after Imran Khan’s rally nonsense.But be that as it may,I’m not going to tolerate character assassination in any of thisHusain Haqqani: I agreeHusain Haqqani: Will do my best to prevent itMansoor IJAZ: Roger thatHusain Haqqani: Focus on your policy message instead of who did what and we can turn this aroundMansoor IJAZ: Please remind your boss that his beloved wife, who later became a good friend of mine, tried thesame bullshit tactics in 1996 when Maleeha was envoy — result: her government was dismissed in Nov 1996.Mansoor IJAZ: I’m not someone he can mess around with. He better get that message from me and really understanditHusain Haqqani: My response to Imran was very simple and true: I did not write a treasonous letter and if Imran hasa copy, he should present itHusain Haqqani: I don’t think your threatening helpsMansoor IJAZ: That’s true from my point of view as well. But politicians are politiciansMansoor IJAZ: I don’t make threats. I state facts. Your boss needs reminding of the factsHusain Haqqani: Are you sure your side won’t deny?Mansoor IJAZ: No, maybe they will. But that would also be a mistake. Too much proof on that side as well.Husain Haqqani: But does “proving” help anything?Husain Haqqani: Is it not the nature of a private mission that officials deny it?Mansoor IJAZ: Don’t know. Don’t care. My point is simple — I’ve said what I was going to. Attacks on my personwill not be tolerated. And my statement stands. Stop telling lies about me and I might just stip telling the truth aboutyouHusain Haqqani: If you were to listen to my advice, you would let this blow over and prove yourself afterwards. Youare the one who will outlast the flying shit Husain Haqqani: That is usually my strategy: be there when the others have self-destructed or blown over

Mansoor IJAZ: I’ve kept to my word — if everyone wants to call it a fabrication and make me the fall guy, thengloves come off and it’s not going to be fun or pretty for anyoneMansoor IJAZ: You did something you thought was right outside channels because you felt it would be the mosteffective way to get the job done.I helped you execute. I haven’t thrown you under the bus. But be damn sure I won’t let anyone do that to meHusain Haqqani: I’ll do what I can to keep it prettyHusain Haqqani: I haven’t. I won’t.Mansoor IJAZ: By the way, I know a lot more than you give me credit for about the circumstances that led to May 1and your role in all that. Just FYIHusain Haqqani: Honorable ppl stick with one another. Take care.Mansoor IJAZ:

BBM CHAT FROM HAQQANI ON 02 NOV 2011 at 03:42

Husain Haqqani: I am maintaining silence so pls check with me before reacting if some Pak journo attributes anything to me

This completes my Witness Statement to the Commission. I wish to thank this august body forpermitting me to be heard in completeness. I remain ready to answer any of your questions. Iwish the Commission

God’s speed in addressing the important issues raised by this matter.

Thank you, Chairman and the members of this Honourable Commission, for your time and yourattention in this matter of great national importance.

Submitted for the record this 16th day of February, 2012

Deponent Musawer Mansoor IJAZ

VERIFICATION:

Verifying on solemn affirmation on this 16th day of February, 2012 at London that all content of this affidavit, oral as well as printed in script from blackberry, email and other devices are absolutely true, honest and sincere to the best of my knowledge and nothing has been deposed falsely, ambiguously and wrongly. Deponent Musawer Mansoor IJAZ

NADEEM MALIK

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

Samsung Electronics Co. Ltd. is a global leader in semiconductor, Telecommunications, Digital Media and Digital Convergence Technologies. Recently, the Head of HHP & IT at Samsung, Mr. Roy Yongil Chang was invited to chair an IT Awards Ceremony, organized by a prominent distributor of IT products in Pakistan – Decent Computers. The event was organized [...]

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Currently, Balochistan liberation is one of the biggest issue on TV channels. But what’s the reality. Do they really want freedom?

Please watch following videos

Also read the following article written by Zaid Hamid with facts and figures.

http://www.defenceblog.org/2012/02/baluchistan-is-under-shadow-of-rasul.html

From these videos and

http://www.awaztoday.com/playshow/20142/Islamabad-Tonight-21st-February-2012.aspx
http://www.zemtv.com/2012/02/21/islamabad-tonight-dr-shahid-masood-with-nadeem-malik-21st-february-2012-latest/
http://www.friendskorner.com/forum/f247/video-islamabad-tonight-nadeem-malik-21st-february-2012-a-265219/
http://www.pakistanherald.com/Program/Islamabad-Tonight-February-21-2012-Nadeem-Malik-9763

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT

WITH NADEEM MALIK

21-02-2012

TOPIC- INTERIOR MINISTER STATEMENT ON BENAZIR ASSASSINATION

GUESTS- DR SHAHID MASOOD, ASLAM CHODHRY, DR ISRAR SHAH, SHEIKH WAQAS AKRAM

DR SHAHID MASOOD TV ANCHOR said that it is weird that Rehman Malik chose Sindh assembly to give statement on BB assassination instead of national assembly. He said that he was told that Zardari does not like Rehman Malik and Naheed Khan at all. He said that later on Rehman Malik was included in the government by Zardari on a phone call from abroad. He said that Benazir was wearing a bullet proof jacket on the day of her assassination. He said that Zardari called Khalid Shehanshah from America and appointed him as security chief of Benazir Bhutto. He said that Khalid Shehanshah was a very dubious character. He said that some government people later on murdered Khalid Shehanshah inviting him at some place. He said that Benazir Bhutto had wound on the opposite side of her face the bullet was fired. He said that people sitting with Benazir in her car have been cornered and the people who escaped from the murder scene are in the government. He said that it is funny that Zardari is asking to chief justice of Pakistan to investigate Benazir murder.

ASLAM CHODHRY BENAZIR PROTOCOL OFFICER said that Rehman Malik is lying he was not at the spot of assassination of Benazir Bhutto. He said that he told Rehman Malik that Benazir Bhutto has been assassinated. He said that Benazir Bhutto herself registered the FIR of the 18th of October incident. He said that there is Peoples Party government in the Sindh but this case is not resolved.

DR ISRAR SHAH OF PPPP said that there is only one master mind of 17th of July, 18th of October and Benazir assassination incidents. He said that Ajaz Shah is the master mind of Benazir Bhutto assassination and other incidents. He said that the incidents before Benazir assassination were warning for her that if she comes to Pakistan she will be treated this way. He said that the brothers of Benazir Bhutto will take revenge from the leadership of Peoples Party of assassination of their leader. He said that before any body point his finger President should take responsibility of Benazir Bhutto murder.

SHEIKH WAQAS AKRAM said that Zardari has apologized on calling Q league a Qatil (Murderer) league. He said that Rehman Malik statement on Benazir murder has proven them innocent. He said that Rehman Malik statement will raise many new questions and Peoples Party worker will not be satisfied. He said that he is personally not satisfied with the statement of Rehman Malik on Benazir murder.

–

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

http://www.awaztoday.com/playshow/20142/Islamabad-Tonight-21st-February-2012.aspx
http://www.zemtv.com/2012/02/21/islamabad-tonight-dr-shahid-masood-with-nadeem-malik-21st-february-2012-latest/
http://www.friendskorner.com/forum/f247/video-islamabad-tonight-nadeem-malik-21st-february-2012-a-265219/
http://www.pakistanherald.com/Program/Islamabad-Tonight-February-21-2012-Nadeem-Malik-9763

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT

WITH NADEEM MALIK

21-02-2012

TOPIC- INTERIOR MINISTER STATEMENT ON BENAZIR ASSASSINATION

GUESTS- DR SHAHID MASOOD, ASLAM CHODHRY, DR ISRAR SHAH, SHEIKH WAQAS AKRAM

DR SHAHID MASOOD TV ANCHOR said that it is weird that Rehman Malik chose Sindh assembly to give statement on BB assassination instead of national assembly. He said that he was told that Zardari does not like Rehman Malik and Naheed Khan at all. He said that later on Rehman Malik was included in the government by Zardari on a phone call from abroad. He said that Benazir was wearing a bullet proof jacket on the day of her assassination. He said that Zardari called Khalid Shehanshah from America and appointed him as security chief of Benazir Bhutto. He said that Khalid Shehanshah was a very dubious character. He said that some government people later on murdered Khalid Shehanshah inviting him at some place. He said that Benazir Bhutto had wound on the opposite side of her face the bullet was fired. He said that people sitting with Benazir in her car have been cornered and the people who escaped from the murder scene are in the government. He said that it is funny that Zardari is asking to chief justice of Pakistan to investigate Benazir murder.

ASLAM CHODHRY BENAZIR PROTOCOL OFFICER said that Rehman Malik is lying he was not at the spot of assassination of Benazir Bhutto. He said that he told Rehman Malik that Benazir Bhutto has been assassinated. He said that Benazir Bhutto herself registered the FIR of the 18th of October incident. He said that there is Peoples Party government in the Sindh but this case is not resolved.

DR ISRAR SHAH OF PPPP said that there is only one master mind of 17th of July, 18th of October and Benazir assassination incidents. He said that Ajaz Shah is the master mind of Benazir Bhutto assassination and other incidents. He said that the incidents before Benazir assassination were warning for her that if she comes to Pakistan she will be treated this way. He said that the brothers of Benazir Bhutto will take revenge from the leadership of Peoples Party of assassination of their leader. He said that before any body point his finger President should take responsibility of Benazir Bhutto murder.

SHEIKH WAQAS AKRAM said that Zardari has apologized on calling Q league a Qatil (Murderer) league. He said that Rehman Malik statement on Benazir murder has proven them innocent. He said that Rehman Malik statement will raise many new questions and Peoples Party worker will not be satisfied. He said that he is personally not satisfied with the statement of Rehman Malik on Benazir murder.

–

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT

WITH NADEEM MALIK

21-02-2012

عجیب بات ہے کہ رحمان ملک نے بینظیر کیس پر بیان دینے کے لئیے قومی کی بجائے سندھ اسمبلی کو چنا۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد کی اسلام آباد ٹونائٹ میں گفتگو

مجھے بتایا گیا تھا کہ زرداری صاحب ناہید خان اور رحمان ملک کو بالکل پسند نہیں کرتے۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

رحمان ملک کو بعد میں کسی غیر ملک سے فون کال آنے پر زرداری نے رکھ لیا۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

رحمان ملک جھوٹ بول رہے ہیں بینظیر کی شہادت کے وقت یہ موقع پر موجود نہیں تھے۔ اسلم چوہدری

میں نے رحمان ملک کو اطلاع دی تھی کہ بینظیر شہید کر دی گئی ہیں۔ اسلم چوہدری

سترہ جولائی، اٹھارہ اکتوبر اور بینظیر کی شہادت کے واقعات کا ایک ہی ماسٹر مائنڈ ہے۔ ڈاکٹر اسرار شاہ

بینظیر کی شہادت اور دوسرے واقعات کا ماسٹر مائنڈ اعجاز شاہ ہے۔ ڈاکٹر اسرار شاہ

بینظیر کی شہادت سے پہلے کے واقعات ان کے لئیے وارننگ تھی کہ پاکستان آئیں تو یہ سلہوک کیا جائے گا۔ڈاکٹر اسرار شاہ

زرداری مسلم لیگ ق کو قاتل کہنے پر ہم سے معزرت کر چکے ہیں۔ شیخ وقاص اکرم

رحمان ملک کے بیان سے ہم بیقصور ثابت ہو گئے ہیں۔ وقاص اکرم

رحمان ملک کے بیان سے بہت سے سوالات اٹھیں گے اور پیپلز پارٹی کا کارکن مطمئین نہیں ہو گا۔ وقاص اکرم

میں زاتی طور پر رحمان ملک کے بینظیر کیس پر بیان پر مطمئین نہیں ہوں۔ وقاص اکرم

شہادت کے دن بینظیر بھٹو بلٹ پروف جیکٹ پہنے ہوئیں تھیں۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

خالد شہنشاہ کو کردار بہت مشکوک تھا انہیں زرداری نے امریکہ سے بلا کر بینظیر کی سکیورٹی کا زمہ دیا۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

خالد شہنشاہ کو سرکاری لوگوں نےبعد میں ایک جگہ بلا کر قتل کر دیا۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

اٹھارہ اکتوبر کے واقع کی خود بی بی نے ایف آئی آر درج کروائی تھی۔ اسلم چوہدری

آج سندھ میں پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومت ہونے کے باوجود اٹھارہ اکتوبر کے واقع کا کچھ نہیں بنا۔ اسلم چوہدری

بینظیر کے چہرے پر زخم ایک طرف تھا جبکہ گولی دوسری طرف سے چلائی گئی تھی۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

بی بی کے بھائی پیپلز پارٹی کی قیادت سے ان کی شہادت کا انتقام ضرور لیں گے۔ ڈاکٹر اسرار شاہ

جو لوگ بی بی کے ساتھ گاڑی میں تھے کھڈے لائن لگا دئیے گئے اور موقع سے بھاگ جانے والے حکومت میں بیٹھے ہیں۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

اس سے پہلے کہ کوئی انگلی اٹھائے ایوان صدر کو بینظیر کی شہادت کی تحقیقات کروانی چاہییں۔ ڈاکٹر اسرار شاہ

زرداری صاحب چیف جسٹس کو کہہ رہے ہیں کہ بینظیر کی شہادت کی تحقیقات کروایں۔ ڈاکٹر شاہد

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

Rehman Malik Relied on Punjab Police Report on Bhutto Murder Briefing Sindh Assembly

NADEEM MALIK

It seems as though not much has been achieved in the Benazir Bhutto murder case as Interior Minister Rehman Malik on Tuesday not only admitted that planners of the murder are still at large, but also insisted that more time is required to collect further evidence.
Malik shared this and other details of the investigation of the former prime minister and Pakistan People’s Party chairperson’s murder case while briefing the Sindh Assembly session. He blamed Baitullah Mehsud, the Haqqani network and the banned Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) for planning the murder and said 27 terrorist groups helped in executing the plan. (Dawn)

Reported News Details of the CID Reports
The United Nations Inquiry Commission, headed by Heraldo Munoz, was informed by the CID officials of Punjab Police during the course of its investigations that the assassination of Benazir Bhutto had been masterminded by the slain Ameer of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) Commander Baitullah Mehsud and the bomber, who exploded himself outside the Liaquat Bagh in Rawalpindi, was one Saeed alias Bilal, a resident of South Waziristan Agency.
According to official documents provided to the UN Inquiry Commission by the CID Punjab, a group of 12 militants was actually dispatched to the garrison town of Rawalpindi, a day prior to Benazir Bhutto’s December 27, 2007 election rally, to physically eliminate the PPP leader, who was touring Punjab in connection with her party’s election campaign. The FIR of the Benazir Bhutto murder case was registered by the Rawalpindi police under sections 302/324,435,436,120-B/4/5ESA,7/ATA while investigations were carried out by the Additional Inspector General CID Punjab Chaudhry Abdul Majeed.
According to the CID documents, four of the 12 militants tasked to kill Benazir Bhutto belonged to Madrassa Haqqania in Akora Khattak near Peshawar, which is also referred to as Darul Uloom Haqqania. The Madrassa is being run by Maulana Samiul Haq, the pro-Taliban Ameer of his own faction of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam. Three of the 12 TTP militants have been shown in the CID documents as already killed, including the suicide bomber. Of the remaining nine accused, five have already been arrested by police while the remaining four are still at large.
Additional Inspector General of the CID Punjab, Malik Mohammad Iqbal, when asked if the Punjab CID still owns its findings into the Benazir Bhutto murder case, said the assassination inquiry was actually conducted by a Joint Investigation Team (JIT), which was headed by the then additional DIG CID and representatives of the Rawalpindi police.
He said it was a joint probe on the basis of which the challan of Benazir Bhutto murder case had been submitted with a Rawalpindi anti-terrorism court, which still holds ground and the trial of the arrested accused is still on.
The three accused shown as already dead include the human bomb Saeed alias Bilal (r/o Waziristan), Nadir alias Qari Ismail (r/o Madrassa Haqqania, Akora Khattak) and Nasrullah r/o Madrassa Haqqania, Akora Khattak). Four other accused in the Benazir Bhutto murder, who are still at large and have already been declared proclaimed offenders include Ikramullah r/o South Waziristan, Abdullah alias Saddam r/o Mohmand Agency, Faiz alias Kiskit, an ex-student of Madrassa Haqqania, Akora Khattak and Abdur Rehman alias Noman alias Usman, an ex-student of Madrassa Haqqania.
The remaining five accused already in the custody of the Rawalpindi police and being tried for the Benazir Bhutto murder include Rafaqat, Hasnain Gul, Sher Zaman, Rasheed Ali and Aitzaz Shah.
According to the findings of the CID, Baitullah Mehsud had given Rs 400,000 to one Qari Ismail, who subsequently dispatched a group of suicide bombers and shooters to Rawalpindi to kill Benazir Bhutto.
The UN Commission was told by some senior CID officials that the TTP militants had planned to target Benazir Bhutto in different cities, wherever she was going in connection with her campaign, until she was finally killed.
According to the CID narrative, 15-year-old Aitzaz Shah from the Mansehra district of the NWFP, and his co-accomplice Sher Zaman, reportedly trained at Miramshah, were the first ones to be arrested after the Benazir Bhutto murder from Dera Ismail Khan by a joint investigation team of the Punjab police, headed by Chaudhry Abdul Majeed. Two more suspects, Hasnain Gul and Rafaqat, were later arrested from Rawalpindi. Rasheed Ali was the last one to be nabbed but Aitzaz was the first one to have furnished some vital information to his interrogators pertaining to the Benazir murder.
As the police obtained physical remand of the arrested accused and broadened the scope of investigations, it was learnt that Aitzaz Shah had actually obtained Jihadi training from a well known Deobandi religious school in Karachi — Jamia Binoria, also referred to as Jamia Islamia and known for its pro-Taliban leanings. As per the CID report, after being brainwashed and trained to kill, Aitzaz was sent to South Waziristan from where he had travelled to Darul Uloom Haqqania Madrassa in Akora Khattak. Afterwards, Aitzaz was taken to a Jihadi training centre in Akora Khattak – Wali Mohammad Markaz and tasked with the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
According to the CID findings, Baitullah had provided Rs 50,000, a suicide jacket and other necessary items to someone else, but he could not attack Benazir Bhutto. After his suicide bombers’ failure to hunt down the PPP chairperson in Karachi, Peshawar and other places, Baitullah Mehsud had assigned Qari Ismail of Akora Khattak and given him Rs 400,000 to execute the Benazir assassination plan. After reaching the Rawalpindi bus stand on December 26, the assailants had stayed at a Quaid-i-Azam colony house. In the evening, they visited the Liaquat Bagh site in a taxi and decided after surveying the area to hit their target from different directions during or after the public meeting.
As per the assassination plan, Saeed alias Bilal was to carry out the suicide attack in case he failed to shoot down Benazir while Ikramullah was to detonate himself if Saeed failed. Both Saeed and Ikramullah were provided logistics by Hasnain Gul, including an explosive-laden suicide jacket, a pistol and an optical device.
The assailants had reached the Committee Chowk in a taxi and later gone to the Liaquat Bagh via Iqbal Road and College Road. An unarmed militant went inside the Liaquat Bagh to give his accomplices updates about the movement of Benazir Bhutto, especially about her arrival and departure from the venue of the rally. As per the CID claims, the assailants had first attempted to enter the Liaquat Bagh to carry out a suicide attack close to the stage, but they had failed in their designs, chiefly due to foolproof security arrangements.
The UN Commission was further informed that several suicide bombers and sharp shooters were waiting for the PPP leader at the crime scene outside the Liaquat Bagh after their failure to enter the venue. Going by the CID account, the assailants had started chasing Benazir Bhutto as soon as she came out of the Liaquat Bagh and it was none other than the fearless PPP chairperson, who actually provided them with a golden opportunity to target her, when she decided to come out of her bullet proof vehicle Toyota Land Cruiser from its sunroof to wave to her cheerful supporters. That was the time gunshots were fired, aiming at Benazir Bhutto. As Saeed alias Bilal failed to hit Benazir Bhutto, he blew himself up, killing the PPP leader and 23 others, mostly on the spot. However, the Dopatta, which Benazir Bhutto was wearing at the time of the blast, could not be traced despite frantic efforts by the investigators.
Narrating the motivation of the crime, the CID findings say the accused had said during interrogations that they were annoyed over the pro-West approach of Benazir Bhutto who had returned to Pakistan at the behest of some foreign powers and, therefore, they feared a strong government action against the militants if she was allowed to come to power after the elections.
However, the fact remains that much before coming to power after the 2008 general elections; the PPP leadership had rejected the confession made by Aitzaz Shah and his other accomplices about their involvement in the Benazir Bhutto murder.
The then PPP spokesman and now presidential spokesman Farhatullah Babar had described Aitzaz’s confession a cock and bull story intended to reduce pressure on the Musharraf regime, saying the arrested youth, who has already been declared a juvenile by the court, had been made to narrate exactly the kind of things the Pakistani authorities wanted to hear, backing up their earlier conclusions reached within hours of the Benazir Bhutto killing.
The trial of the five accused in Benazir Bhutto murder case was deferred on August 22, 2009 by the Rawalpindi anti-terrorism court following a federal government request to transfer the case to the Federal Investigation Agency so as to enable it to arrive at a definitive conclusion. Subsequently, on August 25, 2009, the federal government had formed a high-level team to re-investigate the Benazir murder.
The Special Investigation Group of the FIA was assigned the task to fix criminal liability on the assassins and planners of the gun-and-bomb attack on Benazir Bhutto. It was announced that the SIG’s investigation would be parallel to the probe being carried out by the United Nations Inquiry Commission.
“The main reason for the fresh probe is that the inquiry report to be prepared by the UN Commission can’t be presented before any court of law as desired by the UN. The government requires a separate investigation report for a proper trial against the criminals in the court”, a senior FIA official had said on August 25 in Rawalpindi, adding that the United Nations report would have no legal standing and it could not be used for prosecution.
When this correspondent tried to take version of Jamia Binoria, Karachi, no responsible person was found. However, the person present there termed the Punjab police-CID report malicious and baseless. Expressing similar sentiments, a person in Madrassa Haqqania, Akora Khattak, said this report is part of the campaign to discredit religious schools.

Islamabad Tonight – 27th December 2011 Senator Dr. Safdar Ali Abbasi PPP and Naheed Khan PPP in fresh episode of Islamabad Tonight

Islamabad Tonight – 4th November 2010 :5 Ws of Benazir Bhutto’s Assassination 5 Ws of Benazir Bhutto’s Assassination – such as Who, What, Why, Where, How, When Naheed Khan and Safdar Abbasi in Islamabad Tonight with Nadeem Malik

UN report on Bhutto murder finds Pakistani officials ‘failed profoundly’

15 April 2010
Security arrangements by Pakistan’s federal and local authorities to protect assassinated Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto were “fatally insufficient and ineffective” and subsequent investigations into her death were prejudiced and involved a whitewash, an independent United Nations inquiry reported today.The UN Commission of Inquiry, appointed last year by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the request of the Pakistani Government, reached no conclusion as to the organizers and sponsors behind the attack in which a 15-year-old suicide bomber blew up Ms. Bhutto’s vehicle in the city of Rawalpindi on 27 December 2007.

But it found that the Government was quick to blame local Taliban commander Baitullah Mehsud and Al-Qaida although Ms. Bhutto’s foes potentially included elements from the establishment itself.

“A range of Government officials failed profoundly in their efforts first to protect Ms. Bhutto and second to investigate with vigour all those responsible for her murder, not only in the execution of the attack, but also in its conception, planning and financing,” the Commission said.

“Responsibility for Ms. Bhutto’s security on the day of her assassination rested with the federal Government, the Government of Punjab and the Rawalpindi District Police. None of these entities took necessary measures to respond to the extraordinary, fresh and urgent security risks that they knew she faced.”

General Pervez Musharraf was president at the time of the suicide bombing in Rawalpindi. The report said the then federal Government lacked a comprehensive security plan, relying instead on provincial authorities, but then failed to issue to them the necessary instructions.

“Particularly inexcusable was the Government’s failure to direct provincial authorities to provide Ms. Bhutto the same stringent and specific security measures it ordered on 22 October 2007 for two other former prime ministers who belonged to the main political party supporting General Musharraf,” it stated.

“This discriminatory treatment is profoundly troubling given the devastating attempt on her life only three days earlier and the specific threats against her which were being tracked by the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence agency),” it added, stressing that her assassination could have been prevented if the Rawalpindi District Police had taken adequate security measures.

Turning to the immediate aftermath of the attack, the Commission found that police actions and omissions, including the hosing down of the crime scene and failure to collect and preserve evidence, inflicted irreparable damage to the investigation.

“The collection of 23 pieces of evidence was manifestly inadequate in a case that should have resulted in thousands,” it said. “The one instance in which the authorities reviewed these actions, the Punjab (provincial) committee of inquiry into the hosing down of the crime scene was a whitewash. Hosing down the crime scene so soon after the blast goes beyond mere incompetence; it is up to the relevant authorities to determine whether this amounts to criminal responsibility.”

It also found that City Police Officer Saud Aziz impeded investigators from conducting on-site investigations until two full days after the assassination and that the Government’s assertions that Mr. Mehsud and Al-Qaida were responsible were made well before any proper investigation had started, pre-empting, prejudicing and hindering the subsequent investigation.

“Ms. Bhutto faced serious threats in Pakistan from a number of sources,” the Commission said. “These included Al-Qaida, the Taliban and local jihadi groups, and potentially from elements in the Pakistani establishment. Notwithstanding these threats, the investigation into her assassination focused on pursuing lower-level operatives allegedly linked to Baitullah Mehsud.”

It stressed that investigators dismissed the possibility of involvement by elements of the Pakistani establishment, including the three persons identified by Ms. Bhutto as threats to her in her 16 October 2007 letter to General Musharraf. It also noted that investigations were severely hampered by intelligence agencies and other Government officials, which impeded an unfettered search for the truth.

“The Commission believes that the failures of the police and other officials to react effectively to Ms. Bhutto’s assassination were, in most cases, deliberate,” it declared.

The three-member panel, which was headed by Chilean Ambassador to UN Heraldo Muñoz and included Marzuki Darusman, former attorney-general of Indonesia, and Peter Fitzgerald, a veteran official of the Irish National Police, urged the Government to undertake police reform in view of its “deeply flawed performance and conduct.”

It also recommended the establishment of a fully independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate political killings, disappearances and terrorism in Pakistan in recent years in view of the backdrop of a history of political violence carried out with impunity.

Ms. Bhutto’s widower, Asif Ali Zardari, is the current Pakistani President.

In a statement issued by his spokesperson, Mr. Ban commended the commissioners and their staff for completing their challenging nine-and-a-half month-long task “expeditiously and in a professional manner.”

In a later news conference today, Mr. Muñoz stressed that the Commission interviewed more than 250 interviews with Pakistanis and others both inside and outside Pakistan, reviewed hundreds of documents, videos, photographs and other documentary material provided by federal and provincial authorities in Pakistan and others.

In the report, the Commission said it was “by the efforts of certain high-ranking Pakistani Government authorities to obstruct access to military and intelligence sources” but during an extension of its mandate until 31 March it was able eventually to meet with some past and present members of the Pakistani military and intelligence services.

Press Release

8 February 2008

BEGINS

SCOTLAND YARD REPORT INTO ASSASSINATION OF BENAZIR BHUTTO RELEASED

The findings of a Scotland Yard inquiry into how Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto died after being attacked during a political rally in Rawalpindi were presented to the Government of Pakistan today.

The conclusions of the inquiry were outlined in a detailed report handed over to interim Interior Minister Hamid Nawaz by Detective Superintendent John MacBrayne, accompanied by a senior official from the British High Commission, during a meeting in Islamabad.

The text of the executive summary of the report is as follows:

On the 27th December 2007, Mohtarma Benazir BHUTTO, the leader of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), died as a result of being attacked in Rawalpindi, Pakistan.

Following discussions between the Prime Minister and President Musharraf, it was agreed that officers from the Metropolitan Police Counter Terrorism Command (SO15) should support the investigation into Ms Bhutto’s death. The primary focus of the Scotland Yard team was to assist the Pakistani authorities in establishing the cause and circumstances of Ms Bhutto’s death. The wider investigation to establish culpability has remained entirely a matter for the Pakistani authorities.

The SO15 team was led by a Detective Superintendent Senior Investigating Officer, and comprised two forensic experts, an expert in analysing and assessing video media and an experienced investigating officer. The team arrived in Pakistan on 4th January 2008 and spent two and a half weeks conducting extensive enquiries. During the course of their work, the team were joined by other specialists from the United Kingdom.

The UK team were given extensive support and co-operation by the Pakistani authorities, Ms Bhutto’s family, and senior officials from Ms Bhutto’s party.

The task of establishing exactly what happened was complicated by the lack of an extended and detailed search of the crime scene, the absence of an autopsy, and the absence of recognised body recovery and victim identification processes. Nevertheless, the evidence that is available is sufficient for reliable conclusions to be drawn.

Within the overall objective, a particular focus has been placed on establishing the actual cause of death, and whether there were one or more attackers in the immediate vicinity of Ms Bhutto.

The cause of death

Considerable reliance has been placed upon the X-rays taken at Rawalpindi General Hospital following Ms Bhutto’s death. Given their importance, the x-rays have been independently verified as being of Ms Bhutto by comparison with her dental x-rays. Additionally, a valuable insight was gained from the accounts given by the medical staff involved in her treatment, and from those members of Ms Bhutto’s family who washed her body before burial.

Ms Bhutto’s only apparent injury was a major trauma to the right side of the head. The UK experts all exclude this injury being an entry or exit wound as a result of gunshot. The only X-ray records, taken after her death, were of Ms Bhutto’s head. However, the possibility of a bullet wound to her mid or lower trunk can reasonably be excluded. This is based upon the protection afforded by the armoured vehicle in which she was travelling at the time of the attack, and the accounts of her family and hospital staff who examined her.

The limited X-ray material, the absence of a full post mortem examination and CT scan, have meant that the UK Home Office pathologist, Dr Nathaniel Cary, who has been consulted in this case, is unable categorically to exclude the possibility of there being a gunshot wound to the upper trunk or neck. However when his findings are put alongside the accounts of those who had close contact with Ms Bhutto’s body, the available evidence suggests that there was no gunshot injury. Importantly, Dr Cary excludes the possibility of a bullet to the neck or upper trunk as being a relevant factor in the actual cause of death, when set against the nature and extent of her head injury.

In his report Dr Cary states:

• “the only tenable cause for the rapidly fatal head injury in this case is that it occurred as the result of impact due to the effects of the bomb-blast.”
• “in my opinion Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto died as a result of a severe head injury sustained as a consequence of the bomb-blast and due to head impact somewhere in the escape hatch of the vehicle.”

Given the severity of the injury to Ms Bhutto’s head, the prospect that she inadvertently hit her head whilst ducking down into the vehicle can be excluded as a reasonable possibility.

High explosives of the type typically used in this sort of device, detonate at a velocity between 6000 and 9000 metres per second. This means that when considering the explosive quantities and distances involved, such an explosion would generate significantly more force than would be necessary to provoke the consequences as occurred in this case.

It is also important to comment upon the construction of the vehicle. It was fitted with B6 grade armour and designed to withstand gunfire and bomb-blast. It is an unfortunate and misleading aspect of this case that the roof escape hatch has frequently been referred to as a sunroof. It is not. It is designed and intended to be used solely as a means of escape. It has a solid lip with a depth of 9cm.

Ms Bhutto’s injury is entirely consistent with her head impacting upon the lip of the escape hatch. Detailed analysis of the media footage provides supporting evidence. Ms Bhutto’s head did not completely disappear from view until 0.6 seconds before the blast. She can be seen moving forward and to the right as she ducked down into the vehicle. Whilst her exact head position at the time of the detonation can never be ascertained, the overwhelming conclusion must be that she did not succeed in getting her head entirely below the lip of the escape hatch when the explosion occurred.

How many people were involved in the immediate attack?

There has been speculation that two individuals were directly involved in the attack. The suggestion has been that one suspect fired shots, and a second detonated the bomb. All the available evidence points toward the person who fired shots and the person who detonated the explosives being one and the same person.

• Body parts from only one individual remain unidentified. Expert opinion provides strong evidence that they originate from the suicide bomber.
• Analysis of the media footage places the gunman at the rear of the vehicle and looking down immediately before the explosion. The footage does not show the presence of any other potential bomber.
• This footage when considered alongside the findings of the forensic explosive expert, that the bombing suspect was within 1 to 2 metres of the vehicle towards it rear and with no person or other obstruction between him and the vehicle, strongly suggests that the bomber and gunman were at the same position. It is virtually inconceivable that anyone who was where the gunman can clearly be seen on the media footage, could have survived the blast and escaped.

The inevitable conclusion is that there was one attacker in the immediate vicinity of the vehicle in which Ms Bhutto was travelling.

In essence, all the evidence indicates that one suspect has fired the shots before detonating an improvised explosive device. At the time of the attack this person was standing close to the rear of Ms Bhutto’s vehicle. The blast caused a violent collision between her head and the escape hatch area of the vehicle, causing a severe and fatal head injury.

John MacBrayne QPM

Detective Superintendent

Counter Terrorism Command

1st February 2008

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

http://www.awaztoday.com/playshow/20110/Islamabad-Tonight-20th-February-2012.aspx
http://www.zemtv.com/2012/02/20/islamabad-tonight-with-nadim-malik-20th-february-2012-latest/
http://www.friendskorner.com/forum/f247/video-islamabad-tonight-nadeem-malik-20th-february-2012-a-265075/
http://www.pakistanherald.com/Program/Islamabad-Tonight-February-20-2012-Nadeem-Malik-9755

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT

WITH NADEEM MALIK

20-02-2012

TOPIC- RESOLUTION ON BALOCHISTAN IN AMERICA

GUESTS- KHURSHID MAHMOOD QASOORI, SHEHZAD CHODHRY, SHERRY REHMAN, RIAZ KHOKHAR, TALAL BUGTI

KHURSHID MAHMOOD QASOORI OF PTI said that a strong reaction has come forward from Pakistan on resolution on Balochistan in America and it is correct. He said that American government has kept distance from the resolution on Balochistan. He said that America wants to make Pakistan scapegoat on its defeat in Afghanistan. He said that armed operations were conducted in Balochistan during ZA Bhutto and Musharaf era. He said that America is trying to link Balochistan problem with Iran policy. He said that there were some doubts between Iran and Pakistan on the issue of Abdul Malik Rigi which were cleared on his arrest. He said that Israel is trying to put maximum pressure on Iran through America. He said that Pakistan needs to introduce a tax system in the country in order to have an independent foreign policy.

AIRMARTIAL (r) SHEHZAD CHOUDHRY said that America made a mistake by attacking on Salala check post and it widened the distance between the two countries. He said that resolution on Balochistan has been presented in America in response with the distance Pakistan has taken after Salala check post attack. He said that no one is violating human rights in the world more than CIA. He said that the government, establishment and Baloch Sardars should sit together to understand each others point of view. He said that in few days Sherry Rehman along with Hina Rabbani Khar will meet Hilary Clinton in London. He said that it is possible that Hillary might offer apology on Salala check post attack. He said that Baloch people are being killed in the fight between BLA, BRA and security agencies. He said that there should be an immediate ceasefire in the Balochistan province by taking Baloch elders on aboard. He said that military should also admit its mistakes in Balochistan it will send a good message to Baloch people.

SHERRY REHMAN PAKISTAN AMBASSADOR IN AMERICA said that the resolution on Balochistan by Senator Dana Rohrabacher has been presented in the American congress and not in the senate. She said that she conveyed the message to American administration that resolution on Balochistan will send a wrong message to Pakistan. She said that she made it clear to Americans that the problem of Balochistan is Pakistan’s internal affair. She said that America is willing to improve its diplomatic ties with Pakistan. She said that she told American administration that Pakistan should be treated equally and seriously. She said that it is an election year in America and they are focusing on their internal problems and criticizing Pakistan.

RIAZ KHOKHAR FORMER AMBASSADOR TO AMERICA said that we need to take steps of appeasement which could be acceptable for Baloch people. He said that when there will be problem in our country it will invite foreign intervention. He said that we should take such steps that Balochistan issue could resolve of its own.

TALAL BAGTI OF JWP said that military officials responsible for giving mutilated corpses of Baloch people. He said that Punjabi’s are being murdered on the orders of retired military commandos in Balochistan. He said that if Baloch people are responsible for the murder of Punjabis why no body is arrested so far. He said that India is involved in Balochistan situation because Pakistan is interfering in Indian held Kashmir.

–

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

Do NOT panic. InshAllah, Baluchistan is not going anywhere. The enemies and the traitors within cannot break away Baluchistan. There is a deliberate information war by the likes of SAFMA to create the hype to give this perception that Pakistan is breaking up. Stay firm and stay united.

 There is no power on earth which can undo Pakistan, InshAllah.

Baluchistan is 42 % of Pakistan territory.

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT: BALOCHISTAN

Sherry Rehman Ambassador to US, Talal Akbar Bugti President JWP, Mian Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri PTI, Air Marshal Shahzad Chaudhry Former Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Riaz Khokhar Former Foreign Secretary Pakistan in Islamabad Tonight with Nadeem Malik on Balochistan

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=TV2wzlJG6qQ

NADEEM MALIK

Islamabad Tonight – 20th February 2012 Sherry Rehman Ambassador to US, Talal Akbar Bugti President JWP, Mian Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri PTI, Air Marshal Shahzad Chaudhry Former Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Riaz Khokhar Former Foreign Secretary Pakistan in Islamabad Tonight with Nadeem Malik on Balochistan

http://www.awaztoday.com/playshow/20110/Islamabad-Tonight-20th-February-2012.aspx

میں نے امریکی حکومت کو بتا دیا ہے کہ بلوچستان پر قرارداد سے پاکستان میں غلط پیغام جائے گا۔ بلوچستان کا مسئلہ پاکستان کا اندرونی معاملہ ہے۔ امریکہ جلد از جلد پاکستان سے اپنے ڈپلومیٹک تعلقات بہتر کرنا چاہتا- امریکہ میں اس سال الیکشن ہو رہے ہیں اور ان کی ساری توجہ اندرونی سیاست پر ہے جس میں پاکستان پر تنقید کی جاتی ہے۔ شیری رحمان
چند دنوں میں شیری رحمان اور حنا کھر امریکی وزیرخارجہ ہیلری سے لندن میں …ملاقات کریں گی۔ ہو سکتا ہے ہیلری سلالہ چیک پوسٹ پر حملے کے مسئلہ پر پاکستان سے معافی مانگ لے۔ شہزاد چوہدری
امریکہ بلوچستان کے مسئلے کو ایران سے بھی منسلک کر رہا ہے۔ ریگی کے مسئلے پر پاکستان اور ایران کے درمیان شکوک موجود تھے جو ریگی کی گرفتاری سے دور ہو گئے۔
اسرائیل امریکہ کے زریعے ایران پر زیادہ سے زیادہ دباؤ ڈالنا چاہتا ہے۔ خورشید قصوری
ہمیں چاہئیے کہ بلوچستان کے لوگوں کو راضی کریں اور ایسے اقدامات کریں جو بلوچوں کو قبول ہوں۔ گھر میں مسئلہ ہو گا تو باہر کے لوگ دخل دیں گے۔ ہمیں ایسے اقدامات کرنے کی ضرورت ہے کہ جس سے بلوچستان کا مسئلہ خود بخود حل ہو جائے۔ ریاض کھوکھر
حکومت، اسٹیبلشمنٹ اور بلوچ سرداروں کو مل بیٹھ کر ایک دوسرے کا نقطہ نظر سمجھنا چاہئیے۔ شہزاد چوہدریSee More

Islamabad Tonight – 20th February 2012
awaztoday.comمیں نے امریکی حکومت کو بتا دیا ہے کہ بلوچستان پر قرارداد سے پاکستان میں غلط پیغام جائے گا۔ بلوچستان کا مسئلہ پاکستان کا اندرونی معاملہ ہے۔ امریکہ جلد از جلد پاکستان سے اپنے ڈپلومیٹک تعلقات بہتر کرنا چاہتا- امریکہ میں اس سال الیکشن ہو رہے ہیں اور ان کی ساری توجہ اندرونی سیاست پر ہے جس میں پاکستان پر

NADEEM MALIK

Sherry Rehman Ambassador to US, Talal Akbar Bugti President JWP, Mian Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri PTI, Air Marshal Shahzad Chaudhry Former Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Riaz Khokhar Former Foreign Secretary Pakistan in Islamabad Tonight with Nadeem Malik on Balochistan

Islamabad Tonight with Nadim Malik – 20th February 2012 Latest
www.zemtv.comSherry Rehman Ambassador to US, Talal Akbar Bugti President JWP, Mian Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri PTI, Air Marshal Shahzad Chaudhry Former Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Riaz Khokhar Former Foreign Secretary Pakistan in Islamabad Tonight with Nadeem Malik on Balochistan

میں نے امریکی حکومت کو بتا دیا ہے کہ بلوچستان پر قرارداد سے پاکستان میں غلط پیغام جائے گا۔ بلوچستان کا مسئلہ پاکستان کا اندرونی معاملہ ہے۔ امریکہ جلد از جلد پاکستان سے اپنے ڈپلومیٹک تعلقات بہتر کرنا چاہتا- امریکہ میں اس سال الیکشن ہو رہے ہیں اور ان کی ساری توجہ اندرونی سیاست پر ہے جس میں پاکستان پر تنقید کی جاتی ہے۔ شیری رحمان
چند دنوں میں شیری رحمان اور حنا کھر امریکی وزیرخارجہ ہیلری سے لندن میں ملاقات کریں گی۔ ہو سکتا ہے ہیلری سلالہ چیک پوسٹ پر حملے کے مسئلہ پر پاکستان سے معافی مانگ لے۔ شہزاد چوہدری
امریکہ بلوچستان کے مسئلے کو ایران سے بھی منسلک کر رہا ہے۔ ریگی کے مسئلے پر پاکستان اور ایران کے درمیان شکوک موجود تھے جو ریگی کی گرفتاری سے دور ہو گئے۔
اسرائیل امریکہ کے زریعے ایران پر زیادہ سے زیادہ دباؤ ڈالنا چاہتا ہے۔ خورشید قصوری
ہمیں چاہئیے کہ بلوچستان کے لوگوں کو راضی کریں اور ایسے اقدامات کریں جو بلوچوں کو قبول ہوں۔ گھر میں مسئلہ ہو گا تو باہر کے لوگ دخل دیں گے۔ ہمیں ایسے اقدامات کرنے کی ضرورت ہے کہ جس سے بلوچستان کا مسئلہ خود بخود حل ہو جائے۔ ریاض کھوکھر
حکومت، اسٹیبلشمنٹ اور بلوچ سرداروں کو مل بیٹھ کر ایک دوسرے کا نقطہ نظر سمجھنا چاہئیے۔ شہزاد چوہدری

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT

WITH NADEEM MALIK

20-02-2012

امریکہ میں بلوچستان پر قرارداد سے پاکستان میں سخت ردعمل سامنے آیا ہے جو درست بھی ہے۔ خورشید محمود قصوری کی اسلام آباد ٹونائٹ میں گفتگو

امریکی حکومت نے بلوچستان پر قرارداد سے خود کو لا تعلق رکھا ہے۔ خورشید قصوری

امریکہ اپنی افغانستان میں ناکامی پر پاکستان کو قربانی کا بکرا بنانا چاہتا ہے۔خورشید قصوری

بلوچستان میں بھٹو اور مشرف دور میں آپریشن بھی کیا گیا۔ خورشید قصوری

امریکہ بلوچستان کے مسئلے کو ایران سے بھی منسلک کر رہا ہے۔خورشید قصوری

ریگی کے مسئلے پر پاکستان اور ایران کے درمیان شکوک موجود تھے جو ریگی کی گرفتاری سے دور ہو گئے۔ خورشید قصوری

اسرائیل امریکہ کے زریعے ایران پر زیادہ سے زیادہ دباؤ ڈالنا چاہتا ہے۔ خورشید قصوری

پاکستان کو آزاد خارجہ پالیسی کے لئیے ملک میں ٹیکیس کا نظام نافز کرنا ہو گا۔ خورشید قصوری

امریکہ نے سلالہ چیک پوسٹ پر حملہ کر کے غلطی کی جس سے پاکستان کے ساتھ فاصلے بڑھ گئے۔ شہزاد چوہدری

سلالہ حملے کی وجہ سے پاکستان کے ساتھ فاصلے بڑھ جانے کے جواب میں امریکہ میں بلوچستان پر قرارداد پیش کی گئی۔شہزاد چوہدری

دنیا میں سی آئی اے سے زیادہ کوئی ہیومین رائٹس کی خلاف ورزی نہیں کرتا۔ شہزاد چوہدری

ہمیں چاہئیے کہ بلوچستان کے لوگوں کو راضی کریں اور ایسے اقدامات کریں جو بلوچوں کو قبول ہوں۔ ریاض کھوکھر

گھر میں مسئلہ ہو گا تو باہر کے لوگ دخل دیں گے۔ ریاض کھوکھر

ہمیں ایسے اقدامات کرنے کی ضرورت ہے کہ جس سے بلوچستان کا مسئلہ خود بخود حل ہو جائے۔ ریاض کھوکھر

حکومت، اسٹیبلشمنٹ اور بلوچ سرداروں کو مل بیٹھ کر ایک دوسرے کا نقطہ نظر سمجھنا چاہئیے۔ شہزاد چوہدری

سینٹر بیکر کا بل صرف کانگرس میں پیش کیا گیا ہے امریکی سینٹ میں نہیں۔ شیری رحمان

میں نے امریکی حکومت کو بتا دیا ہے کہ بلوچستان پر قرارداد سے پاکستان میں غلط پیغام جائے گا۔ شیری رحمان

میں نے امریکی حکومت کو بتا دیا ہے کہ بلوچستان کا مسئلہ پاکستان کا اندرونی معاملہ ہے۔ شیری رحمان

امریکہ جلد از جلد پاکستان سے اپنے ڈپلومیٹک تعلقات بہتر کرنا چاہتا ہے۔شیری رحمان

میں نے امریکہ کو بتا دیا ہے کہ پاکستان کے ساتھ برابری والا سلوک کیا جائے۔ شیری رحمان

امریکہ میں اس سال الیکشن ہو رہے ہیں اور ان کی ساری توجہ اندرونی سیاست پر ہے جس میں پاکستان پر تنقید کی جاتی ہے۔ شیری رحمان

چند دنوں میں شیری رحمان اور حنا کھر امریکی وزیرخارجہ ہیلری سے لندن میں ملاقات کریں گی۔ شہزاد چوہدری

ہو سکتا ہے ہیلری سلالہ چیک پوسٹ پر حملے کے مسئلہ پر پاکستان سے معافی مانگ لے۔ شہزاد چوہدری

بلوچستان کے لوگوں کی مسخ شدہ لاشیں دینے والے فوجیوں کو سخت سزایں دی جایں۔ طلال بگٹی

ریٹائرڈ فوجی کمانڈوز کے کہنے پر بلوچستان میں پنجابیون کو قتل کیا جا رہا ہے۔ طلال بگٹی

اگر بلوچ پنجابیوں کو قتل کر رہے ہیں تو پھر آج تک کسی کو گرفتار کیوں نہیں کیا گیا۔طلال بگٹی

پاکستان کی کشمیر میں مداخلت کی وجہ سے بھارت بلوچستان میں دخل اندازی کر رہا ہے۔طلال بگٹی

بی ایل اے ،بی آر اے اور ایجنسیوں کی لڑائی میں بلوچ عوام مر رہے ہیں۔ شہزاد چوہدری

بلوچوں کے بزرگوں سے بات چیت کر کے فوری طور پر صوبے میں جنگ بندی ہونی چاہئیے۔ شہزاد چوہدری

فوج کو بھی تسلیم کرنا چاہئیے کہ ان سے غلطیاں ہوئی ہیں اس سے بلوچ عوام کو اچھا پیغام جائے گا۔ شہزاد چوہدری

Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS

Afshain Afzal

The situations in Khyber PK and Balochistan provinces are far away from satisfactory. We must try to find some solution as how long we should allow such horrifying activities to continue. The irresponsible coverage by some of the electronic and print media persons really create doubts on their loyalty with Pakistan.

One gets shocked to read daily newspapers with all blame game

By: Shaukat Masood Zafar Pakistanis are not mature enough with democracy regime; while most of the politicians are morally bankrupt! The country’s current misfortune is due to civil leadership, who has demonstrated no appetite for sustainable change, economic or social. The effect of the stronger economic performance during military regimes translated into something more meaningful [...]

Related posts:

1. Leadership crisis and its impacts in Pakistan
2. Ailing economy of Pakistan
3. Smuggling and its effects on economy of Pakistan
4. Pakistan wants Elected Dictatorship or real Leadership?
5. Increasing external intervention in Pakistan

http://www.awaztoday.com/playshow/19991/Islamabad-Tonight-16th-February-2012.aspx
http://www.zemtv.com/2012/02/16/islamabad-tonight-by-nadeem-malik-16th-feb-2012/
http://www.friendskorner.com/forum/f247/video-islamabad-tonight-nadeem-malik-16th-february-2012-a-264546/

ISLAMABAD TONIGHT

WITH NADEEM MALIK

16-02-2012

TOPIC- PAKISTAN, IRAN & AFGHANISTAN HEAD OF STATES MEETING

GUESTS- KHAWAJA MOHAMMAD ASIF, SHAMSHAD AHMED KHAN

KHAWAJA MOHAMMAD ASIF OF PML-N said that Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan should think about their sovereignty and peace in the region. He said that all three countries have centuries old religious, cultural and geographic relationship. He said that Afghan situation has put serious effects on Pakistan. He said that Pakistan should play pivotal role for peace in Afghanistan. He said that America is having talks with Taliban after fighting a costly war in Afghanistan. He said that the gas pipe line from Iran is very important for Pakistan. He said that Pakistan is desperate for gas from Iran and America has nothing to do with it. He said that Pakistan has reached a point where it should fight the war of its own interest. He said that if America is furious with Pakistan on the issue of gas pipe line from Iran let it be. He said that Iran gas pipe line is important for Pakistan interest and we should not care about American anger. He said that Pakistan should improve its relationship with its regional countries. He said that Pakistan has pass across foreign and military policies so far. He said that how long Pakistan will take care of American interest now it should watch its own. He said that no regional countries have such a weak economic relationship as ours. He said that agencies are taking all the decision on the situation of Balochistan. He said that all the elected members of Balochistan assembly are either speaker or ministers of the province. He said that Balochistan produces gas but its people are deprived from it.

SHAMSHAD AHMED KHAN FORMER FOREIGN SECRETARY said that if Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan heads have meeting on their own interest then it is a very good gesture. He said that our rulers always supported America for their personal interest. He said that in his opinion the meeting between the three head of states is going to be nothing but a photo session in front of the cameras. He said that all three countries are under American pressure for different reasons. He said that Pakistan relationship with Iran have been decayed because of Afghanistan. He said that when ever a head of state takes care of its country’s interest the world supports him. He said that America threatened us at the time of testing nuclear devices but later on supported our stand. He said that the most important thing is this that what we do for our interest instead of others. He said that the situation of our country is no good but we are doing nothing to correct it. He said that the Balochistan problem is because of the Sardars but our government is giving billions of rupees to them to fix it.

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Filed under: CURRENT AFFAIRS