Tag Archive | "Chief Justice"

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Pakistan High Court Launches Contempt Case Against Prime Minister

Posted on 17 January 2012 by Tea Server

By Alex Rodriguez for The Los Angeles Times

Dealing a heavy blow to Pakistan’s embattled government, the Supreme Court on Monday initiated contempt proceedings against Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani for refusing to revive a long-standing corruption case against the nation’s president.

Gilani, a top ally of President Asif Ali Zardari in the ruling Pakistan People’s Party, must appear before the court Thursday, when the justices will listen to his explanation for not going ahead with the case.

If the court moves forward with the contempt proceedings and Gilani is convicted, he could be disqualified from office and forced to step down. He also could be forced to serve up to six months in jail.

Zardari’s government is locked in battles with the Supreme Court and Pakistan’s powerful military, both of which have had an acrimonious relationship with the president since he took office in 2008. The crisis has stirred talk of the government’s possible ouster, though experts say it probably would happen through legal action taken by the high court rather than a military coup.

The military has ousted civilian leaders in coups four times in Pakistan’s 65-year history, but military generals have said they have no plans to mount a takeover.

Nevertheless, they were deeply angered by an unsigned memo that a Pakistani American businessman contends was engineered by a top Zardari ally to seek Washington’s help in preventing a military coup last spring. In exchange, the memo offered several concessions, including the elimination of a wing of the Inter-Services Intelligence agency that maintains links with Afghan insurgent groups.

The businessman, Mansoor Ijaz, says the then-ambassador to the U.S., Husain Haqqani, approached him with the idea. Haqqani, who was forced to resign after the allegations surfaced, denies any involvement in the creation or conveyance of the memo. A Supreme Court commission is investigating the case, and on Monday it ordered Ijaz to come to Pakistan and appear before the panel Jan. 24.

The high court’s move to start contempt proceedings against Gilani involves money-laundering charges in Switzerland that Zardari was convicted of in absentia in 2003. The case was appealed by Zardari and his late wife, former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, and was later dropped at the request of the Pakistani government in 2008.

Since 2009, Pakistan’s high court has repeatedly ordered the government to write a letter to Swiss authorities asking that the case be reopened. Gilani and government lawyers have refused, arguing that as president, Zardari enjoys constitutional immunity from prosecution.

Last week, the court warned Gilani that it could remove him from office if he did not abide by its demand. Government lawyers were supposed to appear in court Monday and explain why Gilani’s administration had ignored the court.

Instead, Atty. Gen. Maulvi Anwarul Haq appeared before a packed courtroom and told a high court panel that the government had not given him any instructions about what to say in court. The head of the panel, Justice Nasir Mulk, said Gilani’s inaction gave the court no recourse but to pursue a contempt case against him.

Outside the courtroom, Haq said that if the court eventually issues a contempt finding against Gilani, “this conviction has ramifications…. Under the constitution, with a conviction it’s disqualification from office.”

Before the court issues its findings, it probably would hold evidentiary hearings, Haq said. If Gilani on Thursday tells the court he will ask Swiss authorities to reopen the corruption case, the justices probably would consider dropping the contempt proceeding, said Tariq Mehmood, a lawyer and retired judge.

Gilani has given no indication he plans to give in. He will, however, appear in court Thursday to explain the government’s rationale, he told parliament late Monday. “We have always respected the courts,” he said. “The court has summoned me, and in respect of the court I will go there on Jan. 19.”

Zardari’s administration hopes to become the first civilian government to finish out its term, which ends in 2013. The political turmoil may thwart that plan, as opposition leaders increasingly push harder for early elections. Though Zardari is widely criticized in Pakistan for failing to revive the country’s moribund economy and tackle corruption, his party remains confident that it can weather the storm and retain power for a second term.

Even if Gilani is removed from office, Zardari continues to hold together a coalition that controls parliament’s lower house, which elects the prime minister. On Monday, however, Interior Minister Rehman Malik, a staunch ally of the president, doubted it would come to that.

“The prime minister will stay,” Malik told reporters outside parliament. “The government is in command. Our flight may be a little bumpy, but God willing, we will have a smooth landing in 2013.”

Filed under: Afghanistan, Democracy, Pakistan, Pakistan Army, Pakistanis Tagged: Asif Ali Zardari, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, Husain Haqqani, Mansoor Ijaz, Pakistan, Pakistan Peoples Party, Pakistan Supreme Court, PPP, Yousuf Raza Gilani

Syndicated from: Pakistanis for Peace

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Bhutto’s Gallows Revisited

Posted on 15 January 2012 by Tea Server

President Asif Ali Zardari has made a reference to the Supreme Court of Pakistan to revisit the case in which Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was sentenced to death on the charge of ordering the murder of an innocent man Nawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan Kasuri. Interestingly enough the parliament has already prejudiced the case by passing a resolution in its initial session declaring the execution of Mr. Bhutto a ‘judicial murder.’

 In this background, the reference really is a request to determine whether or not the national assembly resolution had any merit or whether it was a contempt of court. The reference also establishes the principle that the judgment of the Supreme Court has greater meaning and weight than a resolution of the national assembly. In order to understand the case it is important to know the background.

Here are some clippings from Nation and Express newspapers and Wikipedia:
Nawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan, Kasuri’s father, was killed in 1974. Kasuri himself was the complainant for the murder case registered against Bhutto, who was eventually hanged in 1979. In April this year, 32 years after Bhutto’s death, President Asif Zardari filed a reference under Article 186 of the Constitution to the Supreme Court to reopen the murder trial.
Bhutto was convicted in a murder case and sentenced to death by the Lahore High Court (LHC) in 1979 during the dictatorship of the then army chief General Ziaul Haq. He was executed on April 4, 1979 by then military dictatorship.

A five-member bench of the LHC, headed by Maulvi Mushtaq Ahmad, had held the Bhutto trial for five months and awarded death sentence to him on March 18, 1978. The Bhutto family had filed an appeal in the Supreme Court. A seven-member bench upheld his death sentence in its February 6, 1979, verdict with a bare 4-to-3 majority. His review petition was also dismissed on March 24, 1979. Bhutto was hanged at the Central Jail, Rawalpindi, on April 4, 1979.

Sheikh Anwarul Haq is a former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan [September 23, 1977 - March 25, 1981]. He is often considered ‘ill-famed’ for giving legitimacy to General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq’s martial law and for upholding the decision of the Lahore High Court which sentenced Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to death for the authorization of the murder of a political opponent. Four Supreme Court judges headed by Chief Justice Anwarul Haq upheld the murder conviction of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. On 25 March 1981, S. Anwarul Haq became the first Justice and only Chief Justice to refuse taking the oath under the military imposed PCO and resigned on conscientious grounds.

Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed, the democratic socialists alliance who had previously allied with Bhutto began to diminish as time progresses. Initially targeting leader of the opposition Vali Khan and his opposition National Awami Party (NAP), also a socialist party. Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal government’s decision to oust the NAP provincial government in Balochistan Province for alleged secessionist activities and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto’s, Hayat Sherpao, in a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of a leading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri‘s father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. Powerful PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.

On January 8, 1977 a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated fully in those elections. They managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the party. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the newly-elected Bhutto government as illegitimate.

All the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto’s regime. Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more unrest. Bhutto imposed martial law in major cities including Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad. However, Mr. Bhutto accepted that there were major irregularities in the election in a number of constituencies and a compromise agreement between Bhutto and opposition to hold fresh election in some constituencies was ultimately reported. This compromise theory was however probably a later day addition as a major PPP armed rally was in the offing.

Zia planned a the Coup d’état carefully as he knew Bhutto had integral intelligence in the Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers, including Chief of Air Staff General Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-General Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd Mountain Division, Major-General Naseerullah Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military Intelligence (DGMO) and Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto.

To remove this intelligence, Zia secretly contracted with the active duty British SAS army officers to maintain a staff course for the Army personnel while Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff quietly removed naval personnel loyal to Bhutto and his government from the Navy’s active duty. Zia ordered Bhutto’s loyal officers to attend a staff and command course and none of the officers were allowed to leave the course until the midnight. Meanwhile, Zia with his close officers, including Admiral Mohammad Shariff, then-Chaiman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, arranged the coup in the evening. On July 5, 1977, before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops of Military Police under the order of Zia by the evening.

Bhutto’s last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not merely a long defence of his conduct he also made some matters clear. He mentioned the words of “heir” for his son “Mir Murtaza Bhutto”. He made some remark which indicated that he has views similar to a Sunni, though he was Shia albeit a non-practicing one. He also effectively cast doubt on the reliability of star witnesses against him i.e. Masood Mahmood who was a UK-trained lawyer and not merely a police officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood Mahmood in his testimony. He repeatedly brought the subject of his maltreatment in the death cell. Bhutto made it abundantly clear, even though indirectly that he wanted either freedom or death, not something in between, and appreciated Khar and his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar.

While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one U.S. diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

During Bhutto’s five years in Pakistan’s helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional hold on the poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s general elections. At the same time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The [socialist economics] and nationalization of major private industries during his first two years on office had badly upsets the Business circles… An ill-considered decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-ginning, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and traders. Both leftists— socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, and trade unionists— felt betrayed by Bhutto’s shift to centre-right wing conservative economics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords, Pakistan’s traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto’s aggressive authoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with political rivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many….

U.S. Embassy, Pakistan, U.S. commenting of Bhutto’s fate,



                                                                    

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Text of SC order in NRO case

Posted on 13 January 2012 by Tea Server

From the Newspaper:

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PAKISTAN (Appellate Jurisdiction) PRESENT: Mr. Justice Asif Saeed Khan Khosa Mr. Justice Ejaz Afzal Khan Mr. Justice Ijaz Ahmed Chaudhry Mr. Justice Gulzar Ahmed Mr. Justice Muhammad Ather Saeed Criminal Miscellaneous Application No. 486 of 2010 in Criminal Appeal No. 22 of 2002 AND Adnan A. Khawaja … Appellant versus The State … Respondent Suo Moto Case No. 4 of 2010 and Civil Miscellaneous Application No. 1080 of 2010 AND Civil Miscellaneous Applications No. 1238 and 1239 of 2010 (Suo Moto action regarding appointment of convicted person namely Ahmed Riaz Sheikh (NRO Beneficiary), as Additional Director General, Federal Investigation Agency Civil Miscellaneous Application No. 1253 of 2010 in Suo Moto Case No. 4 of 2010 (Report submitted in Court by AttorneyGeneral regarding Facts Finding Inquiry in the case of Missing Letter No. PS/DG/FIA/ 2009/504749 dated 17.11.2009) Civil Miscellaneous Application No. 1254 of 2010 in Suo Moto Case No. 4 of 2010 AND (Additional Documents comprising of Interim Report filed by Secretary Law dated 04.04.2010, pointes formulated by Secretary for Hon`ble Court, Advice of Former Attorney-General and Authorization letter in favour of Mr. Hassan Wasim Afzal, Joint Secretary of Ehtisab Bureau dated 20.05.1998) Civil Miscellaneous Application No. 1082 of 2010 (Report/Minutes of Hon`ble Chief Justice of Lahore High Court, Lahore) For Federation: Moulvi Anwar-ul-Haq, Attorney General for Pakistan On behalf of National Accountability Bureau: Mr. K.K. Agha, Prosecutor-General National Accountability Bureau Mr. Fasih A. Bokhari, Chairman National Accountability Bureau Mr. Akbar Tarar, Addl. PG. NAB Mr. Fauzi Zafar, Addl. PG. NAB Sheikh Muhammad Shoaib, Assistant Director, NAB Mr. Mohsin Ali Khan, Assistant Director, NAB In attendance: Mr. Ahsan Raja, Ex. Additional Secretary Ministry of Interior along with his counsel Raja Zulgarnain, ASC For Ahmad Riaz Sheikh: Dr. A. Basit, Sr. ASC On behalf of Secretary Law: Nemo Date of hearing: 10.01.2012 ORDER Asif Saeed Khan Khosa, J.: This order may be read in continuation of the order passed by this Court on the last date of hearing, i.e. 03.01.2012.

2. We have heard the learned Attorney-General for Pakistan, the Chairman, National Accountability Bureau and the learned Prosecutor-General Accountability and have been dismayed by the fact no progress worth any mention has been made by all concerned in the matters mentioned in the order dated 03.01.2012. The learned Prosecutor-General Accountability has submitted and read out two reports dated 09.01.2012 wherein it has categorically been concluded that the National Accountability Bureau has decided not to proceed in the matters of Mr.

Adnan Khawaja and Mr. Ahmad Riaz Sheikh despite clear directions issued by this Court in those regards earlier on. The said reports have been found by us to be utterly unsatisfactory and we find that an attempt has been made through the said reports to screen, shield and protect all those in public offices who were involved in appointments/promotion of the said convicted persons. Upon our query the learned ProsecutorGeneral Accountability has confirmed the fact that in the reports mentioned above a clear conclusion about lack of criminal intent of all concerned and involved has been recorded without even holding a formal inquiry or investigation, which we have found to be strange and unusual.

The learned Prosecutor-General Accountability has gone on to submit that even in the matter of proceeding against Malik Muhammad Qayyum, a former Attorney-General for Pakistan, a decisionhas been taken by the National Accountability Bureau not to initiate or take any proceeding despite a clear direction having been issued by this Court in that respect.

The Chairman, National Accountability Bureau has not only owned the above mentioned reports but has adopted a defiant attitude by stating before us that the decision whether to proceed against any person under the National Accountability Ordinance, 1999 or not is a decision which falls within his exclusive jurisdiction and he has decided not to proceed against any person in the matters of Mr. Adnan Khawaja, Mr.

Ahmad Riaz Sheikh and Malik Muhammad Qayyum. He has stated before us in most categorical terms that no inquiry or investigation is warranted in those matters and he has stated so in contemptuous disregard of the fact that this Court has already passed an order for taking proceedings in those matters.

We have particularly noticed the defiant posture and position adopted by the Chairman and have been struck by his willful disobedience to the earlier directions issued by this Court. It appears that instead of obeying the directions of this Court he (chairman, NAB) has decided to take this Court head on, which attitude we find to be contumacious, to say the least.

The Federal Secretary Law, Justice and Human Rights Division was absent from this Court on the last date of hearing on account of being abroad and even today he has failed to appear and we have been informed that he is unwell and is receiving medical treatment but nothing has been produced before us to substantiate the same. It appears that he prefers foreign sojourns upon his commitments before the highest Court of the country. The learned Attorney-General for Pakistan has stated that there is no change in the situation since the last date of hearing and no step in furtherance of this Court`s earlier directions has been taken by anybody during the interregnum. We have also heard Mr. Ahsan Raja who has tried to convince us that he had no malicious intent in the matter of promotion of Mr. Ahmad Riaz Sheikh.

3. The judgment in the case of Dr; Mobashir Hassan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 2010 SC 265) had been passed by this Court way back on 16.12.2009 and in that judgment this Court had issued some very clear and specific directions tothe Federal Government and others which were required by the Court to be implemented and executed immediately. Later on a review petition filed against that judgment was dismissed by this Court and orders were again issued to the Federal Government and others to carry out the directions of this Court without any further loss of time. However, various interim orders passed by this Court in the present and other proceedings bear ample testimony to the unfortunate fact that over the last about two years the Federal Government has demonstrated no interest in carrying out some of the directions of this Court. It isquite clear to us by now that the Federal Government and the National Accountability Bureau are not serious in the matter at all and those concerned are only interested in delaying and prolonging the matter on one pretext or the other. On the last date of hearing it had been made clear to all concerned that they were being given the last and final opportunity till today and it appears that they have consciously decided to defy and disobey this Court.

This Court has already shown a lot of grace and magnanimity in the matter and has demonstrated a lot of patience and restraint in this regard over the last about two years but in the present dismal and most unfortunate state of affairs the Court is left with no other option but to, as warned in categorical terms on the last date of hearing, take appropriate actions in order to uphold and maintain the dignity of this Court and to salvage and restore the delicately poised constitutional balance in accord with the norms of constitutional democracy. [ We are conscious that the actions we propose to take are quite unpleasant but maintaining the necessary constitutional poise and balance is a part of our duties, ....] particularly when we have made an oath before Allah Almighty to `preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan` and to `in all circumstances do right to all manner of people, according to law, without fear or favour, affection or ill-will`.

4. When the Objectives Resolution of 1949,made a substantive part of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973 by Article 2A thereof, mandates that `the independence of the Judiciary shall be fully secured` and when Article 37(d) of the Constitution stipulates it as a Principle of Policy that the State shall `ensure inexpensive and expeditious justice` the Constitution does not contemplate an `independent` judiciary whose decisions may be flouted with impunity or implementation of whose judgments may be left to the whims or caprice of an indifferent Executive.

Likewise, when Article 189 of the Constitution gives the decisions of the Supreme Court `binding` effect and when Article 190 of the Constitution commands in no uncertain terms that `All executive and judicial authorities throughout Pakistan shall act in aid of the Supreme Court` the Constitution does not envision an Executive professing only `respect` towards the decisions of the Supreme Court but at the same time derisively or disdainfully paying little or no heed to implementation or execution of such decisions. [Obedience to the command of a court, and that too of the Apex Court of the country, is not a game of chess or a game of hide and seek.] It is, of course, a serious busi-ness and governance of the State and maintaining the constitutional balance and equilibrium cannot be allowed to be held hostage to political tomfoolery or shenanigans. Article 5 of the Constitution declares in most unambiguous terms that `(1) Loyalty to the State is the basic duty of every citizen. (2) Obedience to the Constitution and law is the inviolable obligationof every citizen ` In a recent interview with Mr. Hamid Mir on Geo Television the CoChairperson of the major political party in the ruling coalition at the federal level, who also happens to be the President of Pakistan, has categorically stated that under his CoChairpersonship his political party has taken a political decision not to obey some part of the judgment handed down by this Court in the case of Dr Mobashir Hassan (supra). Even the Prime Minister of Pakistan and the Federal Minister for Law, Justice and Human Rights Division have been harping on the same theme for quitesome time on different occasions through speeches made on the floors of the National Assembly and the Senate and also through print and electronic media. Their conduct in the matter also goes a long way in confirming what they have been proclaiming. [Such an attitude, approach and conduct prima facie shows that the Co-Chairperson of the said political party, the Prime Minister and the Federal Minister for Law, Justice and Human Rights Division have allowed loyalty to a political party and its decisions to outweigh and outrun their loyalty to the State and their `inviolable obligation` to obey the Constitution and all its commands.] We may unhesitatingly observe that in our country governed by a Constitution political loyalty cannot be accepted as stronger than loyalty to the State and dictates of a political master or party cannot be allowed to be put up as a defence to failure to obey the Constitution. The old sage Aristotle had once observed that `When laws do not rule, there is no Constitution`. Justice Louis Brandeis of the United States Supreme Court had observed in the case of Olmstead v. United States (227 U.S. 438, 485) that `In a government of laws, existence of the government will be imperiled if it fails to observe the law scrupulously. Our Government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for ill, it teaches the whole people by its example. Crime is contagious. If the Government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy.

As already observed above, we the Judges of the Supreme Court have made an oath before Allah Almighty to `preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan` and, thus, it is our bounden duty to take appropriate action whenever we find that the Constitution is not being obeyed or its express commands are, wittingly or otherwise, being disregarded. Let nobody forget that in the not too distant past we stuck to our commitment to the Constitution and constitutionalism and were not shy of giving personal sacrifices for fulfillment of that commitment.

5. This brings us to the actions we may take against willful disobedience to and non-compliance of some parts of the judgment rendered and some of the directions issued by this Court in the case of Dr Mobashir Hassan (supra). This Co urt has inter alia the following options available with it in this regard: Option No. 1: [In such a case of a brazen and blatant failure or refusal of the Federal Government to obey and execute the relevant judgment and directions of this Court the buck stops at the office of the Chief Executive of the Federation, i.e. the Prime Minister.] At the time of entering upon his exalted office the Prime Minister had made an oath that ` I am a Muslim and believe in the Unity and Oneness of Almighty Allah, the Books of Allah, the Holy Quran being the last of them, the Day of Judgment, and all the requirements and teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah`. He had fur-ther sworn before Allah Almighty that `as Prime Minister of Pakistan, I will discharge my duties, and perform my functions, honestly, to the best of my ability, faithfully in accordance with the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the law` and that `I will not allow my personal interest to influence my official conduct or my official decisions`While invoking the name of Allah, the most Beneficent, the most Merciful, and also seeking His help and guidance, the Prime Minister had also made an oath that `I will preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan`. It is evident that in his oath the Prime Minister had made an unambiguous commitment with Allah Almighty not only to conduct himself completely in accord with the commands and requirements of the Constitution, including those of Articles 2A, 37(d), 189 and 190 thereof, but also totally in sync with the requirements and teachings of the Holy Quran. In the matter of making of oaths the Holy Quran has inter alia ordained as follows: `And make not Allah`s name an excuse in your oaths against doing good, or acting rightly, or making peace between persons; For Allah is One who heareth and knoweth all things. Allah will not call you to account for thoughtlessness in your oaths, but for the intention in your heart; And He is oft-forgiving, most forbearing.` (S. II: 224-225) `Allah will not call you to account for what is futile in your oaths, but He will call you to account for your deliberate oaths: But keep to your oaths. Thus Allah makes clear to you His signs, that ye may be grateful.` `And take not your oaths, to practise deception between yourselves, with the result that somebody`s foot may slip after it was firmly planted, and ye may have to taste the evil consequences of having hindered men from the path of Allah, and a mighty wrath descend on you.` (S. XVI: 94) `They swear their strongest oaths by Allah that, if only thou wouldst command them, they would leave their homes.

Say: Swear ye not; Obedience is more reasonable;Verily Allah is well acquainted with all ye do.` (S.

XXIV: 53) `God has already ordained for you, (O men), the dissolution of your oaths (in some cases): and God is your protector, and He is full of knowledge and wisdom.` (S. LXVI: 2) `Heed not the type of despicable man, -ready with oaths` (S. LXVIII: 10) According to clause (f) of Article 62(1) of the Constitution `A person shall not be qualified to be elected or chosen as a member of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) unless he is sagacious, righteous, non-profligate, honest and ameen, there beine no declaration to the contrary by a court of law` (underlining has been supplied for emphasis). By virtue of Article 113 of the Constitution the same qualifications are also required for election to or being chosen as a member of a Provincial Assembly. In the above mentioned backdrop the apparent persistent, obstinate and contumacious resistance, failure or refusal of the Chief Executive of the Federation, i.e. the Prime Minister to completely obey, carry out or execute the directions issued by this Court in the case of Dr. Mobashir Hassan (supra) reflects, at least prima facie, that he may not be an `hon-est` person on account of his not being honest to the oath of his office and seemingly he may not be an `ameen` due to his persistent betrayal of the trust reposed in him as a person responsible for preserving, protecting and defending the Constitution and also on account of allowing his personal political interest to influence his official conduct and decisions. According to the Preamble to the Constitution `sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone, and the authority to be exercised by the people of Pakistan within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust` and `the State shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people`. [A chosen representative of the people deliberately violating such a sacred trust and disregarding his commitment in that regard with Allah Almighty may hardly qualify to be accepted as `ameen`.] In the circumstances of this case mentioned above this Court has an option to record a finding in the above mentioned regards and it may hand down a declaration to that effect in terms of clause (f) of Article 62(1) of the Constitution which finding or declaration may have the effect of a permanent clog on the Prime Minister`s qualification for election to or being chosen as a member of MajliseShoora (Parliament) or a Provincial Assembly.

Somewhat similar oaths had also been made by the Co-Chairperson of the relevant political party before entering upon the office of the President of Pakistan and by the Federal Minister for Law,Justice and Human Rights Division before entering upon the office of a Federal Minister and apparent breaches of their oaths may also entail the same consequences.

Option No. 2: Proceedings may be initiated against the Chief Executive of the Federation, i.e.

the Prime Minister, the Federal Minister for Law, Justice and Human Rights Division and the Federal Secretary Law, Justice and Human Rights Division for committing contempt of this Court by persistently, obstinately and contumaciously resisting, failing or refusing to implement or execute in full the directions issued by this Court in its judgment delivered in the case of Dr Mobashir Hassan (supra). It may not be lost sight of that, apart from the other consequences, by virtue of the provisions of clauses (g) and (h) of Article 63(1) read with Article 113 of the Constitution a possible conviction on such a charge may entail a disqualification from being elected or chosen as, and from being, a member of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) or a Provincial Assembly for at least a period of five years.

Option No. 3: In exercise of its powers under Article 187 of the Constitution read with Rules 1 and 2 of Order XXXII of the Supreme Court Rules, 1980 and all other enabling provisions this Court may appoint a Commission to execute the relevant parts of the judgment passed and directions issued in the case of Dr Mobashir Hassan (supra).

Option No. 4: Although in the present proceedings nobody has so far raised the issue pertaining to the protections contemplated by Article 248 of the Constitution yet if anybody likely to be affected by exercise of these options by this Court wishes to be heard on that question then an opportunity may be afforded to him in that respect before exercise of any of these options.

Option No. 5: It is a statutory duty of the Chairman, National Accountability Bureau under the National Accountability Ordinance, 1999 to proceed against any person prima facie involved in misuse of authority while holding a public office. On the last date of hearing, i.e. 03.01.2012 this Court had directed the Chairman to attend to the matters of appointment of Mr. Adnan Khawaja as Managing Director of the Oil and Gas Development Company Limited (OGDCL) against merit and appointment/promotion of Mr.

Ahmed Riaz Sheikh as Additional Director, Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) at a time when both of them were convicted persons and to proceed against all those who were responsible for such appointments/promotion. The Chairman has also failed so far to initiate any action against Malik Muhammad Qayyum, former AttorneyGeneral for Pakistan, in view of the direction issued in that regard in the judgment passed in the case of Dr Mobashir Hassan (supra), as modified in review to his extent. Today the Chairman has appeared before this Court in person and he has not only failed to advance any satisfactory explanation for his inaction in the above mentioned regards but has also manifested defiance towards this Court by categorically refusing to carry out the earlier directions issued by this Court qua proceeding in the matter of the above mentioned persons. Such inaction on his part in derogation of his statutory duty prima facie amounts to misconduct attracting the last part of section 6(b)(i) of the National Accountability Ordinance, 1999 dealing with removal of the Chairman from his office. Apart from that we have gathered an impression that he has attempted to screen, shield and protect the relevant persons from criminal charges which may attract consequences in some criminal and other laws. In these circumstances appropriate recommendations or directions may be made or issued by this Court in such regards.Option No. 6: The constitutional balance vis-àvis trichotomy and separation of powers between the Legislature, the Judiciary and the Executive is very delicately poised and if in a given situation the Executive is bent upon defying a final judicial verdict and is ready to go to any limit in such defiance then instead of insisting upon the Executive to implement the judicial verdict and thereby running the risk of bringing down the constitutional structure itself this Court may exercise judicial restraint and leave the matter to the better judgment of the people of the country or their representatives in the Parliament to appropriately deal with the delinquent. After all the ultimate ownership of the Constitution and of its organs, institutions, mechanisms and processes rests with the people of the country and there may be situations where the people themselves may be better suited to force a recalcitrant to obey the Constitution. It may be advantageous to reproduce here the relevant words of the Preamble to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973: `we, the people of Pakistan Do hereby, through our representatives in theNational Assembly, adopt, enact and give to ourselves, this Constitution` 6. The learned Attorney-General for Pakistan is hereby put on notice to address arguments before this Court on the next date of hearing, after obtaining instructions from those concerned, as to why any of the above mentioned options may not be exercised by us in these matters. It goes without saying that any person likely to be affected by exercise of the above mentioned options may appear before this Court on the next date of hearing and address this Court in the relevant regard so that he may not be able to complain in future that he had been condemned by this Court unheard. The learned Attorney-General for Pakistan is directed to inform all such persons mentioned above about the passage of this order and also about the next date of hearing.

7. On account of constitutional importance of these matters the Honourable Chief Justice is requested to consider the desirability of hearing of these matters on the next date of hearing by a Larger Bench of this Court.

8. Adjourned to 16.01.2012 on which date the learned Attorney-General for Pakistan, the Federal Secretary Law, Justice and Human Rights Division, the Chairman National Accountability Bureau and the learned Prosecutor-General Accountability shall appear before this Court in person.

Islamabad 10.01.2012

Syndicated from: Pak Tea House

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NRO Verdict: To be or not to be?

Posted on 11 January 2012 by Tea Server



I still fondly remember the debates which used to rage in our English class when Hamlets beautiful soliloquy was discussed. It’s probably one of the most famous pieces of writing in English literature, being a masterpiece depiction of the inner turmoil one feels when faced with the ultimate choice, life or death.

While I would always enjoy the good humored arguments, I would also wonder how Shakespeare managed to confront poor Hamlet with such a number of moral dilemmas, and us readers with the number of possible interpretations. To choose a life with dishonor, or to fight back and risk death, with the subtle comfort of it being an honorable one? ‘To be’, meaning life, and ‘not to be’, death. Or vice versa? Or is it about bravery or cowardice?

I must now thank the honorable justices for their judgment, if that’s what it can be called, in the NRO implementation case. They have made modern day Hamlets out of all of us by gifting us a judgment which is now our sorry lot to figure out.

Given that the facts of the case were simple enough, this judgment is also a masterpiece, though more of a farcical kind. The government had refused over the past two years or so, to implement or follow in spirit, a single order of the Supreme Court regarding the NRO. Not only that, but both Messrs Zardari and Gillani had been issuing extremely controversial statements about this sub-judice case. And in the meantime senior civil servants were actively encouraged to adopt a very negative attitude towards the whole proceedings.

It would be hard to find a more clear case of contempt of court since the merry commando had troops storm the Supreme Court. Or going a little further back, when dear Nawaz Sharif had his PML goons attacked the Supreme Court building.

However our honorable justices have handed down a judgment which has made Shakespeare look positively amateurish. It’s not so much a judgment as a multiple choice examination of our cumulative legal knowledge! Instead of getting a firm judgment we have been presented with not one or two but six choices or options which these learned Judges or more of their ilk may choose from on a future date.

These range from threatening both the Prime Minister and President, options 1 & 2 as they have been naughty children, to # 3 which deals with the setting up of another commission to implement the relevant parts of this judgment! Thank you, your honors, option 3 is definitely not on. Along with the fact that your performance has almost guaranteed Shariah courts for all of us in the future, it seems to have escaped your notice that nobody could possibly understand the first judgment itself, therefore finding the relevant parts in this is likely to be an impossible task.

Option # 4, then goes and offers any of us a chance, if we happen to feel that these options impinge on any of our rights, to appear before the honorable justices. Thank you again, your honors; we, or rather our insulted intelligences, would like to let bygones be bygones. Please let us be.

Option # 5, addresses the Chairman NAB, accuses him of all manner of crimes, and then it reminds him that the commission may take action against him. May! Yes, you read right. I hope that it’s a typo in the original judgment. I also have a feeling that at least we have now one future dead duck in the shape of the Chairman NAB. Good enough of a ritual sacrifice, if you ask me.

But the best has been left to the last. Option # 6, actually informs all of us that if the bad guys, (read Messrs Zardari and Gillani) refuse to accept the courts judgment whatever it is, then in interests of not creating any undue tensions between various organs (pun unintended) of the state, the matter may be left to the discretion of the ordinary citizens i.e. you and me!

Now, my lords, this is being cheeky. Not all of us are Taliban. You cannot simply keep beating up the little boys and passing us the real big daddy. Have a heart please, and perhaps a muscle.

But the icing on the cake is at the end of the judgment. The Chief Justice has been requested to increase the number of judges hearing this case by the time of the next hearing!

I honestly think that instead of this case being heard in the court we should have handed over this whole matter to a traditional jirga or panchayat, with the honorable Chaudhry Shujat being the surpunch. I could guarantee you that with a few underage girls being married off as a token of goodwill, delivery on spot of course, along with a few billions in compensation for all those lost sugary kickbacks rights, both Zardari and Gillani would have cheerfully resigned.

This judgment is going to have very far reaching dire consequences. It has weakened the case against both the esteemed gentlemen, has opened the door for appointments in the superior judiciary itself being questioned, has further delayed the announcement of the first clear legal verdict on the whole issue, and the worst of all, has again raised the specter of nazria e zaroorat (doctrine of necessity).

When is our judiciary ever going to learn that it is there to enforce the law not dispense what it perceives as justice for all. The role of the judge is to pronounce a verdict. Its then up to the executive to enforce it or the parliament to pass appropriate legislation if they are in disagreement with either of the two. What possible ill could have arisen from pronouncing a guilty or not guilty verdict at this point of time?

Where have the justices of the caliber of Rasheed, Kiyani, Cornelius and Samdani gone? Why have we become masters of camouflaging our lack of character behind meaningless self invented and self serving philosophies?

I pity you, my lords, because you have chosen to pass the buck, whereas a little more of spine and moral courage now, would have given all of us so much more hope. I wish you all the luck, and hope that you continue to sleep well while hiding behind obscure legal precedences and taking refuge under the comfortable covers of imagined desires to do what is best for the country.

I am angry but I do understand what drove you to this. It’s a brave man or woman indeed who creates precedence. You see, the other lines from that soliloquy also now seem to have clearer meanings for me.

But that the dread of something after death,

the undiscovered country,

from whose bourn no traveler returns,

puzzles the will,

and makes us rather bear those ills we have,

then fly to others that we know not of.

Thus conscience does make cowards of us all.

Shakespeare could sure spot a coward. So can an ordinary Pakistani, unfortunately for you, Your honors.

pic02

Syndicated from: Borderline Green

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Pakistani Judges Press Premier to Defy President

Posted on 11 January 2012 by Tea Server

By Salman Masood and Ismail Khan for The New York Times

The political and legal crisis in Pakistan took a new turn on Tuesday when the Supreme Court threatened to dismiss Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani for failing to comply with court orders to reopen corruption cases against his political boss: President Asif Ali Zardari.

The latest pressure from the court compounds the problems of the governing Pakistan Peoples Party, already facing a political crisis over a controversial memo that sought United States support in thwarting a feared military coup.

Adding to the government’s troubles is a steep increase in terrorist attacks. Another attack occurred early Tuesday, a truck bombing that the authorities said killed more than 25 people, including women and children, in northwestern Pakistan. A senior government official said the bombing appeared to be in retaliation for the recent killing of a militant leader.

Since December 2009, when the Supreme Court struck down an amnesty that nullified corruption charges against thousands of politicians, the court has insisted that the government reopen corruption cases against Mr. Zardari.

But the government has resisted court orders, and Mr. Zardari said last week that, “come what may,” officials from his party would not reopen the graft cases filed against him and his wife, Benazir Bhutto, in Switzerland. Ms. Bhutto was assassinated in 2007.

On Tuesday, a five-member panel of the Supreme Court, led by Justice Asif Saeed Khosa, ruled that the government was guilty of “willful disobedience” and said that Mr. Gilani was “dishonest” for failing to carry out the earlier court orders.

The judges laid out six options — including initiating contempt of court charges, dismissing the prime minister, forming a judicial commission and taking action against the president for violating his constitutional oath — and ordered the attorney general to explain the government’s position in court on Monday.

A three-member judicial commission that is investigating the controversial memo is scheduled to resume its hearing the same day. Apart from having an acrimonious relationship with the judiciary, the government has an uneasy relationship with the country’s top generals.

Mr. Zardari, who spent 11 years in prison on unproved corruption charges, says the corruption cases against him and Ms. Bhutto that date to the 1990s were politically motivated.

In an interview last week with GEO TV, a news network, Mr. Zardari said reopening those cases would be tantamount to “a trial of the grave” of his wife.

Mr. Zardari also claims immunity as president, but the judiciary, led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, has resisted that claim and has aggressively pursued cases against Mr. Zardari’s party, leading many government officials to speculate that the judiciary was being used by the country’s powerful military to dismiss the government before the March elections for the Senate, in which the Pakistan Peoples Party is expected to win a majority.

Political analysts said the fate of Mr. Gilani, the prime minister, was in peril.

Mr. Zardari called a meeting of his party officials and coalition partners on Tuesday evening to chart strategy, and he was expected to get a statement of support from his allies.

“The situation is fast moving towards a head-on confrontation,” said Hasan Askari Rizvi, a political and military analyst based in Lahore. “It depends on what options are exercised by the Supreme Court.”

According to the Pakistani Constitution, a prime minister can be removed only by the Parliament, and the Supreme Court can disqualify the prime minister only indirectly, Mr. Rizvi said.

“If the court disqualifies the prime minister and the prime minister continues to enjoy the support of the Parliament, then the stage is set for a very dangerous confrontation,” he said.

The legal standoff is forcing the government to defer issues of greater importance, like rescuing a failing economy and fighting Taliban insurgents, as it focuses on its political survival, Mr. Rizvi said.

“The court, the military and the executive are trying to assert themselves,” he said. “It has become a free-for-all.”

There were no immediate claims of responsibility for the bombing on Tuesday, but it appeared to have been carried out by Tehrik-i-Taliban, an umbrella organization of Pakistani militant groups, against the Zakhakhel tribe, which has formed a militia in support of the government, said Mutahir Zeb, administrator for the Khyber tribal region.

Mr. Zeb said the Tehrik-i-Taliban sought to avenge the killing of Qari Kamran, a local Taliban commander, by security forces last week in an area occupied by the Zakhakhel.

Mr. Zeb said a pickup truck exploded in the middle of a bus terminal used by the Zakhakhel in the town of Jamrud.

The bomb destroyed several vehicles, damaged a nearby gasoline pump and shattered windows in the area. In addition to those killed, 27 people were reported wounded in the bombing and were taken to hospitals in Peshawar.

“I was on duty at the nearby checkpoint when I heard a big bang,” said Mir Gul, a security guard. “I rushed toward the spot and saw bodies lying around while the injured cried for help. It was devastating. There was blood everywhere.”

Pakistanis for Peace Editor’s Note-
The Pakistani people deserve better than this. The only solution to EVERYTHING that ails Pakistan is a true and long lasting peace with India. The sooner this dream becomes a reality, the sooner grim news of extremism and its grip on Pakistan will go away~

Filed under: Afghanistan, Democracy, Freedoms, homegrown terror, India, Mumbai, Mumbai Attacks, Nuclear, Pakistan, Pakistan Army, Pakistani Taliban, Pakistanis, Peace, SAARC, Taliban, Tehrik-i-Taliban, terrorism Tagged: Asif Ali Zardari, Benair Bhutto, Justice Asif Saeed Khosa, Pakistan Peoples Party, PPP, Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani

Syndicated from: Pakistanis for Peace

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NRO case: SC says PM violated his oath–>GeoTV

Posted on 10 January 2012 by Tea Server

Source : http://www.geo.tv/GeoDetail.aspx?ID=30333

ISLAMABAD: A five member bench of the Supreme Court has decided to refer the six options relating to the NRO implementation case to the Chief Justice for constitution of a larger bench for hearing of these options.

Announcing the verdict on NRO implementation case‚ the bench headed by Justice Asif Saeed Khosa said the six options are being handed over to the Attorney General.

01: To initiate the contempt of court proceedings against the Chief Executive and the Secretary Law for not implementing the NRO verdict.

02: To declare the chief executive ineligible from the membership of the Parliament.

03: The court may form a commission to get the verdict implemented.

04: The people themselves decide on the issue and the court exhibit patience.

05: Contempt proceedings against Chairman Nab may be initiated.

06: The action may be taken against President for violating the Constitution.
The Supreme Court said in its order in NRO implementation case that the government has failed to implement the verdict.’The government is not taking interest to observe the order for the last two years. We knew that the actions we are about to take they may be unpleasant.’

‘The court has taken oath to defend the Constitution. The prime minister respected the party over the Constitution.’

‘The president in an interview to Geo News said his government would not implement one part of NRO verdict.’

As per Article 189 and 190 all institutions are bound to help the apex court, the order said.

‘Prima Facie the prime minister is not an honest man and violated his oath.’

The court recommended the case to the chief justice to form a larger bench to hear the case on January 16.
A Five-member bench of Supreme Court (SC) headed by Justice Asif Saeed Khosa resumed the hearing of the case pertaining to the implementation of National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) verdict today.

Syndicated from: United4justice’s Weblog

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Tracking of SC warnings in Pakistan

Posted on 05 January 2012 by Tea Server

It is about Supreme Court’s warning regarding several issues in Pakistan. Lets pick any random newspaper after restoration of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudry, you will find number of warning kind of news from SC regarding different issues. Such as today SC warned government of Pakistan for last chance in NRO case as The News Published.

We ask simple question that what happens after issuance of warning statements? Who tracks the record? Who follow up the matters? There should be some people who manage all this work, but are they genuine? Are they valid and well qualified? Are they trustworthy?

Lets raise your concern regarding tracking of SC warnings, so it is visible for a common people. If a common Pakistani can read SC warning issuance statement then other related information should also be available.
Lets be positive and share your concerns, feedback, suggestion in comment section. You can also connect us through RSS, Facebook & Twitter.

Syndicated from: CafePak

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Supreme Court issues show cause notice to Babar Awan

Posted on 05 January 2012 by Tea Server

ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court on Thursday grilled former law minister Babar Awan for his remarks regarding the judiciary and issued a show cause notice to him.

During a hearing of the Bhutto reference here, Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry took serious notice of Awan’s comments in the media after the court issued a contempt notice to him and other members of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) on Wednesday.

After deciding to hear the Bhutto reference later, the chief justice asked Awan as to why he ridiculed the notices issued to PPP leaders and said: If you would not respect the state’s institutions, then who would?

Justice Iftikhar said that he was in favour of criticising the judiciary but Awan’s comments were not criticism, adding that Awan was not issued a license to insult the apex court.

Moreover, Justice Jawwad S. Khwaja decided to quit the bench after viewing footage of the comments.

He was quoted as saying that he would not forgive Awan even if 10 other judges on the bench would decide to pardon him.

Arrangements were made on the court’s orders for footage and news clips of the remarks given by the former minister.

Moreover, office bearers of the Pakistan Bar Council (PBC) apologised to the court over Awan’s comments.

The court adjourned the reference’s hearing and directed Awan to submit his response by Jan 9.

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Constitutional Amendments!

Posted on 05 January 2012 by Tea Server

The coat of arms of Pakistan displays the nati...

Constitution of Pakistan has been amended seventeen times since its promulgation in 1973; however the ninth and eleventh amendment bills were not passed. The importance of legislation is incontestable; it is the prerogative of parliament to set the rules of business but does it make any difference for a commoner either President has more power or Prime Minister. What matters for him is good governance, availability of basic needs with in affordable price. 

Below are all amendments in a summarized form 1974 onwards…

First Amendment May 04, 1974

  • Article 1 – Amendment revised units, provinces and territories of the federation
  • Article 17 – Amendment allowed citizens other than those in service of Pakistan to form political party and every political party to account for the source of its funds by law.

This amendment had become necessary as East Pakistan had emerged as a new independent state “Bangladesh” and Pakistan had officially recognized it.

Second Amendment September 17, 1974

  • Article 106 – Quadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves ‘Ahmadis’)” was declared minorities.
  • Article 260 – the definition of a Muslim was made part of constitution which is, ” A person who does not believe in the absolute and unqualified finality of The Prophet hood of MUHAMMAD (Peace be upon him), the last of the Prophets or claims to be a Prophet, in any sense of the word or of any description whatsoever, after MUHAMMAD (Peace be upon him), or recognizes such a claimant as a Prophet or religious reformer, is not a Muslim for the purposes of the Constitution or law.”

Third Amendment February 13, 1975

  • Article 10, 232 – the amendment addressed the issues of preventative custody by curtailing the rights of detainee and by conferring more powers for detaining authority.

Fourth Amendment November 21, 1975

  • Articles 8, 17, 19, 51, 54, 106, 199, 271, 272, 273, First schedule and Fourth Schedule. The amendment added 6 reserved seats in National Assembly, curtailed the powers of High Courts for cases related to preventative detainment, Land reforms, economic reforms and several regulations promulgated by President prior to Constitution were made part of constitution.

Fifth Amendment September 16, 1976

  • Articles 101, 160, 175, 179, 180, 187, 192, 195, 196, 199, 200, 204, 206, 212, 260, 280 and First Schedule. The amendment established the rules for appointment of Governors, Chief Justices and the discretionary powers of the High Courts and Supreme Courts, abolished joint High Court of Sind and Baluchistan, constituted separate high court for each province.

Sixth Amendment December 13, 1976

  • Articles 179, 195, 246, 260 – The Amendment extended the appointment of the Chief Justices of Supreme Courts and High Courts beyond their retirement age limit for when they have not completed the term of office.

Seventh Amendment May 16, 1977

  • Articles 101, 245 – New Article 96 A inserted which was supposed to stay in force till September 30, 1977 Amendment suggested to hold a referendum to seek vote of confidence for the Prime Minister by General Public.

Eighth Amendment November 9, 1985

  • Articles 48, 51, 56, 58, 59, 60, 75, 91, 101, 105, 106, 112, 116, 130, 144, 152 A, 270 A and addition of new Schedule, the Sixth Schedule, The constitution restored to the position of July 5, 1977 with amendment which conferred the powers upon the President to nominate Prime Minister, appointing the services chiefs, other key state positions and dissolve the National Assembly and Governors could dissolve provincial assemblies.

Ninth Amendment Bill 1985 (It was not passed and still remains a bill)

  • In consonance with the provisions of Article 2 and 227 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, which respectively offer that Islam shall be the State religion of Pakistan and that all laws shall be brought in conformity with the Injunctions of Islam, as also the Objectives Resolution, this Bill seeks to amend Articles 2, 203B and 203D of the Constitution so as to provide that the Injunctions of Islam shall be the supreme law and source of guidance for legislation and policy making and to empower the Federal Shariat Court to make recommendations for bringing the fiscal laws and laws relating to the levy and collection of taxes in conformity with the said injunctions.

Tenth Amendment March 25, 1987

  • Articles 54 and 61 Amendment curtailed the working days of National Assembly and the Senate from 160 to 130 per year.

Eleventh Amendment Bill 1989 (It was withdrawn by the movers.)

  • Article 51 the amendment bill was moved in Senate suggesting the restoration of 20 Women Seats in the National Assembly. It was withdrawn by the movers after government assurance.

Twelfth Amendment July 28, 1991

  • New Article inserted: 212 B Provisions amended: Fifth Schedule. Amendment allowed constitution of special courts for heinous crimes as well as increase the salaries of Judges.

Thirteenth Amendment April 3, 1997

  • Article 58, 101, 112, 243 – Amendment was to withdraw Eighth Amendment powers of the President and Governors to dissolve National and Provincial assemblies, the Prime Minister was conferred the powers to appoint Services Chiefs and other key position.

Fourteenth Amendment July 3, 1997

  • New Article inserted 63A Amendment to provide disqualification of a member of Parliamentary party on the ground of defection, floor crossing, abstaining or refraining from vote or voting against the party policy.

Fifteenth Amendment August 28, 1998

  • Insertion of Article 2B in view of the fact that the Objectives Resolution is now substantive part of the Constitution, it is necessary that Quran and Sunnah are declared to be the supreme law of Pakistan, and the Government is empowered to take necessary steps to enforce Shariah.

Sixteenth Amendment August 5, 1999

  • Insertion of Article 27 which safeguards against discrimination in services, Quota system was extended till 2013.

Seventeenth Amendment August 21, 2002

  • New Article Inserted 41, 58, 112, 152A, 179, 195, 243, 268 and 270AA Amendments were made to the constitution for the approval of Gen. Musharraf to stay President in uniform, his coup on October 12, 1999 and inclusion of the Legal Framework Order (LFO) into the constitution which empowered President again.

Eighteenth Amendment April 19, 2010

  • Articles amended or substituted 1, 6, 17, 25, 27, 29, 38, 41, 46, 48, 51, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 63A, 71, 73, 75, 89, 90, 91, 92, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 112, 116, 122, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 147, 149, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 175, 177, 193, 194, 198, 199, 200, 203, 203D, 209, 213, 215, 216, 218, 219, 221, 224, 226,228, 232, 233, 234, 242, 243, 260, 268, 270A, 270AA, 270B
  • Articles inserted 10A, 19A, 25A, 140A, 175A, 267A, 267B, 270BB
  • Articles omitted 71 and Omission of sixth and seventh schedule
  • Summary: Parliament declared the 17th Amendment to the Constitution and the Legal Framework Order (LFO) given by a dictator as without any legal authority. NWFP renamed as ‘Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa’. Good Governance by restricting the size of the Cabinet in to 11 per cent of the members of Parliament and respective Provinces. Four seats, one from each province, to be allocated in the Senate for the minorities to increase their strength. Education to each child up to the age of 16 years made compulsory. Formation of the council of common interests revised with prime minister as its chairman. The council should meet at least once in 90 days besides abolition of the Concurrent List. Prime Minister shall keep the president informed on all matters of internal and foreign policy and on all legislative proposals the federal government intends to bring before the Majlis-e-Shoora (parliament). President could use the power of dissolution of the National Assembly when a vote of no-confidence having been passed against the prime minister, no other member of the National Assembly commands the confidence of the majority of the members of the National Assembly, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, as ascertained in a session of the National Assembly for the purpose. For the determination of his civil rights and obligations or in any criminal charge against him, a person shall be entitled to a fair trial and due process. Under-representation of any class or area in the service of Pakistan may be redressed in such manner as may be determined by an act of Majlis-e-Shoora (parliament). Restriction imposed on the attorney general for doing private practice. Inexpensive and expeditious justice should be ensured to the people as also the right of access to information without any hurdle. The prime minister shall, in consultation with the leader of the opposition in the National Assembly, forward three names for appointment of the Chief Election Commissioner to a parliamentary committee for hearing and confirmation of any one person. The parliamentary committee, to be constituted by the speaker, shall comprise 50 per cent from the opposition parties, based on their strength in Parliament to be nominated by the respective parliamentary leaders. In case there is no consensus between the prime minister and the leader of the opposition, each shall forward separate lists to the parliamentary committee for consideration, which may confirm one name. The total strength of the parliamentary committee shall not exceed 12 members out of which one-third shall be from the Senate. Provided that when the National Assembly is dissolved and a vacancy occurs in the office of the chief election commissioner, the parliamentary committee shall comprise the members of the Senate only. There shall be no restriction on the number of terms for the offices of the prime minister and chief ministers. Prime minister would advise the president on appointment of the chairman of the chiefs of staff committee and chiefs of three armed forces. The Senate shall consist of 104 instead of 100 members with the addition of one minority member from each province. Working days of the Senate have been increased from 90 to 110. Restriction on a person who has been dismissed from the service of Pakistan, service of a corporation or office set up or controlled by the federal government or the provincial government on ground of misconduct has been lifted. According to this amendment, a person could be elected as MP, three or five years after dismissal from the service. A person shall be disqualified from being elected or chosen as, and from being, a member of parliament if he has been dismissed from the service of Pakistan or service of a corporation or office set up or, controlled, by the federal government, the provincial government or a local government on ground of misconduct, unless a period of five years since his removal or dismissal; or unless a period of three years has elapsed since his removal or compulsory retirement. The restriction on a person being elected as member of parliament, who has been convicted by a court of competent jurisdiction for propagating any opinion, or acting in any manner, prejudicial to the ideology of Pakistan, or the sovereignty, integrity or security of Pakistan, or integrity or independence of the judiciary of Pakistan, or which defames or bring into ridicule the judiciary or the armed forces of Pakistan, unless a period of five years has elapsed since his release. Chairman of the Federal Public Service Commission would be appointed by the president on the advice of the prime minister. Similarly, chairmen of the provincial public service commissions would be appointed by the governors on the advice of chief ministers. Proclamation of emergency in the province due to internal disturbances would require a resolution from the provincial assembly. If the president acts on his own, the proclamation of emergency shall be placed before both houses of parliament for approval by each house within 10 days. On dissolution of the assembly or completion of its term, or in case it is dissolved under Article 58 or Article 112, a caretaker shall be selected by the president in consultation with the prime minister and the leader of the opposition in the outgoing National Assembly. Similarly, a caretaker chief minister will be appointed in consultation with the chief minister and the leader of the opposition in the outgoing provincial assembly. Proclamation of emergency of the fourteenth day of October, 1999, the Provisional Constitution Order (PCO) No 1, the Oath of Office (Judges) Order, 2000, Chief Executive Order No 12 of 2002, Chief Executive Order No 19 of 2002, the amendments made in the Constitution through LFO, 2002, (Chief Executive Order No 24), the LFO (Amendment) Order, 2002, Chief Executive’s Order No 29 of 2002) and the LFO (Second Amendment) Order, 2002 (Chief Executive Order No 32 of 2002), notwithstanding any judgment of any court, including the Supreme Court or a High Court, are hereby declared as having been made without lawful authority and of no legal effect. Judges of the Supreme Court, High Courts and Federal Shariat Court who were continuing to hold the office of a judge or were appointed as such, and had taken oath under the Oath of Office (Judges) Order 2000, shall be deemed to continue to hold the office as judge or appointed as such as the case may be, under the Constitution and such continuance or appointment, shall have effect accordingly. Appointment of judges to the Supreme Court, there shall be a judicial commission. For appointment of judges of the Supreme Court, the commission, headed by the chief justice of Pakistan, shall also consist of two most senior judges of the apex court, a former chief justice or a former judge of the Supreme Court to be appointed by the chief justice in consultation with two member judges for a period of two years, federal minister for law and justice, Attorney General for Pakistan, and a senior advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan to be nominated by the Pakistan Bar Council for a period of two years. The judicial commission for the appointment of High Court judge, headed by the chief justice of the High Court, would also include two most senior judges of the High Court, provincial law minister, a senior advocate to be nominated by the provincial bar council. For appointment of judges of the Federal Shariat Court, the judicial commission shall also include the chief justice of the Shariat Court and the most senior judge of that court as its members. Article 58-2(b) should be repealed and substituted with “Dissolution of the National Assembly”. The substitution clause says that the president shall dissolve the National Assembly if so advised by the prime minister, and the National Assembly shall, unless sooner dissolved, stand dissolved at the expiration of forty-eight hours after the prime minister has so advised. Notwithstanding anything contained in Clause 2 of Article 48, the president may also dissolve the National Assembly in his discretion where, a vote of no-confidence having been passed against the prime minister, no other member of the National Assembly commands the confidence of the majority of the members of the National Assembly in accordance with the provision of the Constitution, as ascertained in a session of the National Assembly summoned for the purpose. Passing of the bills: Recommended substitution in Article 70 with “introduction of passing of bills”, adding that a bill with respect to any matter in the Federal Legislative List may originate in either house and shall, if it is passed by the house in which it originated, be transmitted to the other house and if the bill is passed without amendment by the other house also, it shall be presented to the president for assent. Bills presented in the house but not passed within 90 days of lying in the House shall be considered in a joint sitting of parliament. Islamabad High Court established and the judges of the Islamabad High Court should be taken from the federal capital and four provinces.

Nineteenth Amendment January 1, 2011

  • Articles 81, 175, 175A, 182, 213, 246 – Amendment introduced a new system for appointments in the superior courts; the amendment also raised the number of senior judges as members of the Judicial Commission to four. Under the amendment, recommendations for the appointments of ad hoc judges in the superior courts will be made by the Chief Justice of Pakistan in consultation with the Judicial Commission. Moreover, in case of the National Assembly’s dissolution, members of the parliamentary committee will be from the Senate only.

Syndicated from: Wise… or Otherwise?

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Salman Taseer Remembered

Posted on 02 January 2012 by Tea Server

 

English: Salmaan Taseer, cropped/denoised from...

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Governor Salman Taseer died at the hands of a religious fanatic on January  4 last year. Fearlessly championing a deeply unpopular cause, this brave man had sought to revisit the country’s blasphemy law which, as he saw it,  was yet another means of intimidating Pakistan’s embattled religious  minorities. This law – which is unique in having death as the minimum  penalty – would have sent to the gallows an illiterate Christian peasant  woman, Aasia Bibi, who stood accused by her Muslim neighbours after a  noisy dispute. Taseer’s publically voiced concern for human life earned  him 26 high-velocity bullets from one of his security guards, Malik Mumtaz  Qadri. The other guards watched silently.

In the long sad year, more was to come. Justice Pervez Ali Shah, the brave judge who ultimately sentenced Taseer’s murderer in spite of receiving death threats, has fled the country. Aasia Bibi is rotting away in jail,  reportedly in solitary confinement and in acute psychological distress.  Shahbaz Taseer, the governor’s son, was abducted in late August – presumably by Qadri’s sympathizers. He remains untraceable. Shahbaz Bhatti, the only Christian member of the parliament and another vocal voice against the blasphemy law, was assassinated weeks later on March 2.

Political assassinations occur everywhere. But the Pakistani public  reaction to Taseer’s assassination horrified the world. As the news hit  the national media, spontaneous celebrations erupted in places; a murderous unrepentant mutineer had been instantly transformed into a national hero. Glib tongued television anchors sought to convince viewers that Taseer had brought ill unto himself. Religious political parties did not conceal their satisfaction, and the imam of Lahore’s Badshahi Masjid declined the government’s request to lead the funeral prayers. Rahman Malik, the interior minister, sought to curry favor with religious forces
by declaring that, if need be, he would “kill a blasphemer with my own hands”.

In psychological terms, the reaction of a substantial part of Pakistan’s lawyers’ community was still more disturbing. Once again, they made history. Earlier it had been for their Black Coat Revolution, apparently welcome evidence that Pakistani civil society was well and thriving. But this time it was for something far less positive. Television screens around the world showed the nauseating spectacle of hundreds of lawyers feting a murderer, showering rose petals upon him, and pledging to defend him pro-bono.

Another phalanx of lawyers, headed by Khawaja Asif, former Chief Justice of the Lahore High Court, rose up to constitute Qadri’s defence team. In his court testimony, a smugly defiant assassin declared that he had executed Allah’s will. Justice Asif agreed, saying that Qadri had “merely done his duty as a security guard”. He said it was actually Taseer who had broken the law of the land by attempting to defend a person convicted of blasphemy and, in doing so, had “hurt the feelings of crores of Muslims”.

Taseer’s was a high profile episode, but there are countless other equally tragic ones which receive little public attention. Surely it is time to reflect on what makes so many Pakistanis disposed towards celebrating murder, lawlessness, and intolerance. To understand the kind of psychological conditioning that has turned us into nasty brutes, cruel both to ourselves and to others, I suggest that the reader sample some of the Friday khutbas (sermons) delivered across the country’s estimated 250,000 mosques.

It is surely impossible to hear all khutbas, but a few hundred ones have been recorded on tape by researchers, transcribed into Urdu, translated into English, and categorized by subject at www.mashalbooks.org. Since there was no conscious bias in selecting the mosques, they can be reasonably assumed to be representative examples.

Often using abusive language, the mullahs excoriate their enemies: America, India, Israel, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Shias, and Qadianis. Before appreciative crowds, they breathe fire against the enemies of Islam and modernity. Music is condemned to be evil, together with life insurance and bank interest. In frenzied speeches they put women at the centre of all ills, demand that they be confined to the home, covered in purdah, and forbidden to use lipstick or go to beauty parlors.

But the harshest words are reserved for the countless “deviant” Muslims. Governor Taseer was considered one. The former minister for foreign affairs, Shah Mahmood Qureshi, is another. In a foul-mouthed speech that the reader can hear on the above website, Qureshi is denounced as “haramzada” by Maulana Altafur Rehman Shah of Muhammadi Masjid in Gujrat and described as a “keeper [mujawar] of graves”. Quoting Nawa-e-Waqt, this maulana of the Ahl-e-Hadith school calls Qureshi a lap dog who stands with his “cheek on the cheek of Hilary Clinton”. What, he asks, could be a matter of greater shame? Parliamentarian Jamshed Dasti, also accused of grave worship, is harshly condemned for being unable to name the first five verses of the Holy Quran.

One presumes that most listeners have enough intelligence to ignore such violent fulminations. But at times their effects are deadly. One such sermon, according to Qadri’s recorded testimony, was the turning point for him. He had heard a fiery cleric, Qari Haneef, at a religious gathering in his neighborhood, Colonel Yousuf Colony, on 31 December 2010. It is then, says Qadri, that he made up his mind to kill his boss. Qadri had participated in the gathering in his official uniform, reciting the naat in praise of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). His official gun had been slung around his shoulder at the meeting. Four days later, he fulfilled his goal.

To be sure, not all khutbas are ugly and violent. But even if ten percent are – and the data suggests this is an underestimate – that still makes for roughly 25,000 dangerous ones every week. A civilized society cannot sustain this for too long. Surely, the Pakistani state will sooner or later have to come up with a mechanism for regulating what can be said at religious gatherings. A possible model might be that of Egypt, where khutbas are pre-recorded and approved by the ulema of Jamia Al-Azhar. Without some agreed form of control, Pakistan shall sink ever deeper into religious anarchy and fanaticism.

(Published on 2 Dec 2012 in the Express Tribune. http://tribune.com.pk/story/315079/remembering-salmaan-taseer/#comments)

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© 2012, Pervez Hoodbhoy. This article may not be reproduced in any form without providing an active attribution link/ reference to The Pakistan Forum. All attribution links within the article must also be retained.

Syndicated from: The Pakistan Forum

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‘Memogate’: The basic issue is the civil-military relationship

Posted on 02 January 2012 by Tea Server

Asma Jahangir: Speak out for democracy

Husain Haqqani: scape-goated and threatened

Former Pakistan ambassador Husain Haqqani’s counsel Asma Jahangir sounds a sombre warning about the danger Haqqani is in from the military and intelligence agencies that are capable of picking him up and ‘twisting his limbs’ to make him say what they want to hear. Talking to Dawn TV’s Matiullah Jan in a detailed interview of Jan 1, 2012 she says that she took up the case because she found it a travesty that an individual was being condemned on the basis of a media trial without due process or representation. However, she will not represent him before the Judicial Commission that has been formed as she does not trust the process. The interview, posted in six parts (about 5-6 min each), is worth listening to in full as she makes some crucial points about the significance of this judgement to Pakistan’s politics. She sums some of these points up in this earlier brief interview with Al Jazeera English:



“It’s is a very disappointing judgement, because the Supreme Court has actually said it is people’s fundamental right to come set up a commission against anyone that they accuse. So once a commission is set up and if Mr Haqqani is aggrieved by that something the Commission has done, there’s nowhere he can go; his due process has been taken away. But more than that it has restricted fundamental rights to national security. It’s a big blow to those who believe in the democratic process and in the protection of fundamental rights”.

The issue as she said, was not about one individual, Husain Haqqani. “The point of the case is to go right up to the government. So this is basically (about the) civil military relationship in which sadly the courts have more or less shifted their weight with the establishment.”

In Pakistan, the military is still in power, there has been no transfer of power, she said. “They have been able to use one of the opponents of the government to go to court and take this petition under the guise of fundamental rights.” So our fundamental rights “are now subservient to national security. When there’s a tussle between what the civilian government says and what the military says, which are two different things, there has to be a showdown and where will that take us?”

Asked what the course of action should have been, she pointed out that there was already a parliamentary commission looking into ‘Memogate’. And secondly “there are laws in this country under which they could have got an investigation”. Instead, they moved to the highest court as the first instance, taking Mr Haqqani “out of the queue and denying due process”.

In her Dawn News interview later, elaborating, she says she expected the judges to uphold the Constitution and fundamental rights, rather than undermining them in the guise of ‘national security’.

“I don’t have great expectations from the judges, they seem to have expectations of themselves,” she said. “I’ve argued in court, because this is such a politicised matter, let the politicians settle it. Secondly, if we want to further democratic norms and traditions, we need to support the power of the people” rather than the power of the establishment. It is this that will provide the state its true security.

“That’s not the job of the SC. Their job is to support us, the citizens. Judges are subservient to the Constitution. This is a crucial and critical point. They should not make an issue out of national security. There can be many interpretations of national security.”

To Matiullah Jan’s question about the issue of national security, given Pakistan’s status as a “Muslim nation with nuclear weapons”, she replied: “You can’t compromise on fundamental rights, you can’t compromise on people’s rights. Secondly, there was no danger to national security.”

About Mansoor Ijaz, she said, that the DG ISI went to him and said that prima facie this is a case. Someone who has been writing articles against Pakistan for some years, DG ISI never went to him before. He is “a man who is a US citizen, who says his loyalty is to United States, someone who has written many articles against Pakistan, including one that I didn’t read out in court out of respect, in which he’d written that the Chief Justice is indebted to Nawaz Sharif. You’re accepting his credibility, not giving credibility to your ambassador to US. You’re informing the civilian government after you’ve already conspired against them. There are so many holes in the BBM memos that we’ve pointed out, but the CJ can’t see those holes?”

In essence, the army leadership has prevailed over society and institutions. This is a victory for them. There have been many petitions before SC earlier but “this is the first time that that notice was sent to them and they went running.”

Asked what proof there was that the petition was sponsored by the military, she said for one thing, they are never in such a hurry to reply, secondly, they didn’t go through Attorney General, and thirdly, it’s “clear that the federation is giving one answer, they’re giving another”.
Could this have happened if the government wasn’t weak, asks Jan.

“Yes, the government is weak. We wouldn’t have seen this day if it wasn’t. It doesn’t matter which government it is, what matters is whether the army is going to retain its influence on politics in Pakistan. They’ve exposed themselves. They’ve exposed the fact that the DG ISI was carrying out an investigation against the Prime Minister.”

She said she had asked Husain Haqqani to get another lawyer for the Commission, as it was too much for her blood pressure.
“As a professional lawyer, shouldn’t you be able to fight this case also?” asks Jan.

“It’s not about losing a case. We lose 3-4 cases every month,” she replied. “This has been a struggle I’ve been involved in (restoration of judiciary and democracy). There was a hope, but I don’t see that being fulfilled. It’s not personal, it’s not about this government or another. There are much bigger issues at stake.”

The basic issue, she stressed, is the civil-military relationship. The judgement has been a setback to the struggle for democracy and due process. The struggle, as Asma Jahangir said, will continue.

Syndicated from: Journeys to democracy

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Judicial commission for memo case probe [DAWN]

Posted on 31 December 2011 by Tea Server

ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court accepted on Friday Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Nawaz Sharif’s petition on the ‘memogate’ issue and set up a judicial commission comprising chief justices of three high courts to investigate the scandal. Announcing a unanimous verdict of the nine-judge SC bench, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry observed: “To delineate measures to [...]

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Tribute to Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Testimonials from Politicians, Leaders and Historians

Posted on 26 December 2011 by Tea Server


This post, written for the occasion of Quaid-e-Azam Day (25th December), is a tribute to one of the greatest man the world has ever seen – Muhammad Ali Jinnah, known to Pakistanis as “Quaid-e-Azam” (The Great Leader). This man, the voice of one hundred million Muslims, fought for their religious, social and economic freedom. He was a man of solid character and a deep sense of honour, impartiality and justice. His bravery, courage and devotion to his mission are unparalleled throughout the history.

Prof. Stanley Wolpert writes in his book “Jinnah of Pakistan” (1984) :
         “Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.” 


         He left his impression on all the people who had the chance to interact with him. Hence, he was the recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

         The following are the tributes/comments given by significant people in the history about Muhammad Ali Jinnah:

Allama Iqbal (Pakistan’s national poet): “He is incorruptable and unpurchasable” [Ghulam Dastagir Rashid, Asrar-i lqbal (Hyderabad Deccan, 1944), p. 41.]

Gandhi (Indian leader and national hero): “Jinnah is incorruptible and brave” [Interview with Louis Fischer]

John Biggs-Davison (Member of UK Parliament): “Although without Gandhi, Hindustan would still have gained independence and without Lenin and Mao, Russia and China would still have endured Communist revolution, without Jinnah there would have been no Pakistan in 1947.”

The Aga Khan (Imam of Ismaeeli followers) considered him “the greatest man he ever met“, and added “I have met many politicians in my life, like Churchill, Mesoleni, Kaizon, Gandhi; but Jinnah was different from all of them. There was no other politician with such a strength of character”

Lord Mountbatten (Last Viceroy of India): “Muslims will perhaps never get such an honest leader.”

Sir Stafford Cripps (British Labour politician who brought Cripps mission to the Sub-continent):A most accomplished lawyer, outstanding amongst Indian lawyers, and a fine constitutionalist.”

Sarat Chandra Bose (Indian barrister & Freedom Fighter):Mr Jinnah, was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah’s passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide.” [My Brother(1987),biography by Fatima Jinnah.]

Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha (Secretary General of the Arab League): “(He was) one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world.”

Gordon Johnson (Director Center of South Asian Studies): “He set a great example to other statesmen to follow by his skill in negotiation, his integrity and his honesty.”

Harry S Truman (US President): “[He was] the originator of the dream that became Pakistan, architect of the State and father of the world’s largest Muslim nation. Mr. Jinnah was the recipient of a devotion and loyalty seldom accord to any man”

Lord Lothian (British politician and diplomat): “Though Jinnah’s scheme of partition was good, it would take at least 25 years to take shape. But great wars and great men shorten history, and Jinnah was such a man who could alter the history of a nation”

 Lord Wavell (Viceroy of India 1943 – 1947 who brought the Wavell plan): “Mr. Jinnah was one of the handsomest men I have ever seen; he combined the clear cut, almost Grecian features of the West with oriental grace and movement.”

Nelson Mandela (Ex-South African President): Ali Jinnah is a constant source of inspiration for all those who are fighting against racial or group discrimination.’ (Nelson Mandela had come to Islamabad in 1995 and had insisted on including Karachi as a destination to visit Jinnah’s Grave and his house in Karachi where upon reaching he drove straight to the Quaid’s Mazar) At another occasion while addressing the ANC Mandela mentioned three names Ali Jinnah, Gandhi and Nehru as sources of inspiration for the movement against apartheid.’

Beverley Nichols (author of `Verdict on India’) called him “the most important man in Asia”

Dr. Kailashnath Katju (the West Bengal Governor in 1948) thought of him as “an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world”.

Sir Patrick Spen (the last Chief Justice of undivided India): “There is no man or woman living who imputes anything against his honour or his honesty. He was the most upright person that I know, but throughout it all, he never, as far as I know, for one moment, attempted to deceive any body, as to what he was aiming at or as to the means he attempted to adopt to get it”

Mr. M.C Chagla (Foreign Minister of India): “Jinnah was a pure artist in the manner and method of his presentation. Even the most complex facts became simple and obvious when he waved his wand over them. He could be ferociously aggressive and almost boyishly persuasive as and when the occasion arose, and what particularly helped him in his advocacy, was the absolute clear head that he possessed, and on which he justly prided himself. He had common sense, that most uncommon of qualities in an uncommon degree”

Mr. Frank Moraes (Chief Editor of The Indian Express):Watch him in the court room as he argues a case. Few lawyers command a more attentive audience. No man is more adroit in presenting his case. If to achieve the maximum result with minimum effort is the hallmark of artistry, Mr. Jinnah is an artist in his craft. He likes to get down to the bare bones of a brief. In stating the essentials of a case, his manner is masterly. The drab courtroom acquires an atmosphere as he speaks. Juniors crane their necks forward to follow every movement of his tall, well groomed figure; senior counsels listen closely; the judge is all attention.”

Secretary of State Montagu – 1918: “Jinnah, young, perfectly mannered, impressive looking, armed to the teeth with dialectics and insistent upon the whole of his scheme — he would rather have nothing if he could not get the whole lot. —Chelmsford tried to argue with him and was tied up into knots. Jinnah is a very clever man, and it is of course an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country.”

———————–


NOTE: We highly recommend you to read our follow up post regarding Quaid-e-Azam’s motto, and how we Pakistanis have forgotten it.

APPEAL TO ALL PAKISTANIS! – “Unity, Faith, Discipline”, Do we follow Quaid’s Message? 

_____________

Syndicated from: The Absolute Verdict

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Do or die — 4 options for unified state pillars to sack the generals

Posted on 26 December 2011 by Tea Server

The Terrorland Special Report

BRAVO! Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani finally took the courage and warned the gang of three rogue generals of the Pakistan Army who are allegedly involved in political activism. Mr. Gilani said in the House that the elected Parliament would not accept “a state within the state” indicating towards the military establishment. He also exposed the military-dominated Osama bin Laden Commission’s hidden efforts to protect the real culprits who provided a safe heaven to the Al Qaeda leader, and allowed him to operate from Pakistani – a house near the Kakul Military Academy in Abbotabad.

Pakistani people believe that the political activism of three serving generals of the Pakistan Army – Army Chief Gen. Ishfaq Parvez Kayani, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Lt-Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha and Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) head Maj-Gen. Athar Abbas – has put the future of the military, democracy and country in danger.
After the warning of the Prime Minister, the next day, Army Chief Gen. Kayani said that he was not planning a takeover. The same day, Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry also said that no military takeover was possible in his (Justice Chaudhry’s) presence, stressing that Pakistan will now have supremacy of the Constitution. Then former prime minister Nawaz Sharif said that the genie of the army and ISI’s intervention needed to be bottled up for stability of democracy in Pakistan.
Earlier, the ruling Pakistan People’s Party-sponsored blog had claimed that three Punjabis – Mr. Sharif, Justice Chaudhry and Gen. Kayani – were playing a “dangerous game” against democracy and Pakistan, and had requested the Parliament to remove the Chief Justice of Pakistan for allegedly playing in the hands of Army Chief Gen. Kayani.
Whatever the fact may be, but looking at the track record of the three accused generals since the beginning, it’s the demand of the majority of the over 184 million people of Pakistan to remove the three accused generals to save the military as a national institution.

“There are better and professional soldiers in the Army to lead as Army Chief,” said a retired military office. “Gen. Kayani, Pasha and Abbas have become politicians in the uniform. That is why the country’s security has become a national challange.”

Generals lost trust of the nation: The people of Pakistan have been asking many questions about the activities of the accused generals, some of them are given here:
‎1- Why the minor part of the so-called memo in the Military-gate – allegedly seeking American help to stop a feared military coup in Pakistan – has been taken to the Supreme Court?
2- Why the major part of the military-gate – ISI chief’s seeking help of Arab countries for staging a military coup in Pakistan – is being ignored by the apex court?
3- Why the ISI spread the news that Al-Qaeda may kidnap a senior member (Justice Javed Iqbal) of the Osama bin Laden commission?
4- Why the investigations of Osama bin-Laden’s presence in Pakistan and assassination of journalist Saleem Shahzad are going so slow but the ISI wants a an “immediate decision” in the so-called memo case?
5- Who is using Iran Khan as a bargaining-chip to force Nawaz Sharif to be an ally of the accused generals?
6- How Nawaz Sharif – who had been made hostage in his Raiwand farmhouse – suddenly got liberated and started addressing public rallies even in Sindh, the base of the ruling PPP? 
7- Who is funding the anti-government public rallies in the country? 

8- Who allows leaders of banned religious organizations to participate in anti-government rallies?

9- What kind of new political alliance is in the minds of the three accused generals to complete their hidden mission? 

10- Millions are being spent by the ISI to form new alliances like the IJI which can prove fatal for the country? 

The people know the answer. But Army Chief Gen. Kayani, ISI chief Gen. Pasha and the military’s media war chief Gen. Athar Abbas seem clueless in this regard!

Charge-sheet against generals: There are plenty of allegations against the accused generals – Army Chief Gen. Kayani, ISI chief Gen. Pasha and the military’s media war chief Gen. Athar Abbas seem clueless in this regard. Some of them are underneath:
1- Selling Pakistan-controlled Gilgit-Baltistan region to China so that the neighboring country could support a military coup like it supports the regimes in North Korea and Myanmar.
2- Making a “state within the state” by violation of the Constitution; conspiracy against the elected government; seeking help from foreign countries to stage a coup in Pakistan.  
3- Sheltering international terrorists like Osama bin Laden and making the whole political and judicial systems of Pakistan hostage for the last four years.
4- Involvement in high profile assassinations including former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, Governor Punjab Salman Taseer, Cabinet Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, elderly parents of Supreme Court judge Justice Javed Iqbal, Major-General Ameer Faisal Alvi, journalist Syed Saleem Shahzad, Col. Imam, Javed Khwaja, forcing Shumaila Faheem (widow of Faheem Shamshad who was killed by an American Raymond Davis in Lahore) to take poison to pressurize the American government, and other criminal cases.
5- Besides the massacre of students at the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque), killing of Shia Muslims in Quetta, Bajore and other places; attacks on the Ahmadis and the war crimes in Swat and Fata.

6- The generals are also accused of committing crimes against humanity by arranging terrorist attacks on civilians and military targets in the country as a part of their so-called “brinkmanship strategy” to show the world that Pakistan was also under attack from the so-called Taliban, an effort to get more dollars.

7- The three generals are allegedly involved in the murder plot of journalist Habib R. Sulemani and his family members, which was exposed in the first phase of the systematic killing.
What can be done? Enough is enough, people say in the terrorized country. If the elected President, Prime Minister, Parliament, Supreme Court and leaders of all political parties still behave like a terrorized submissive servant, then it will prove their death in silence—not only political but physical demise too as many believe that the accused generals are ruthless killers. “Yes, just see the track record of the generals,” said an reporter in Peshawar.
Mr. Sulemani had suggested on the Twitter: “Army, ISI, ISPR chiefs encroachment: President, PM & Parliament must tell whole truth to the nation before taking action to save Pakistan!” Therefore, the elected and non-elected leadership of Pakistan along the Supreme Court of the country should dare to speak the truth to the nation before sacking the three generals to save the country. Truth is more powerful than the guns of criminal generals in the world.
There are four options to take action against the ruthless and powerful generals:
1- President Asif Ali Zardari can dismisses or retire the accused generals and appoint new Army, ISI and ISPR chiefs as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of Pakistan. Indeed there would be the new breed of generals who would follow former Armey Chief Jehangir Kiramat, who always respected the orders of the elected government according to the Constitution.
2- If the President is too much afraid of sacking the almighty generals, then through the Supreme Court the job can be done. And the people of Pakistan believe that the military will follow the orders of their political leaders and court not accused officers.
3- If the apex court is also unable to bell the cunning cats, then the Parliament should show that it’s not a “rubber stamp” of the ISI and should take a bold and historic action against the generals, who have become isolated in the entire world due to their alleged illegal activities. Pakistan will get global respect in this way only.

4- It’s possible, as The Terrorland had written earlier, that the Corps Commander of the Pakistan Army force Gen. Kayani, Gen. Pasha and Gen. Abbas to resign gracefully.

Related Post

Dirt on uniform — public waiting for removal of Army, ISI, ISPR chiefs
  

Syndicated from: THE TERRORLAND

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